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Police headquarters — misplaced kids prepared for folks

Police in metropolis America 1 eight 6 zero – 1 9 2 zero

E R I C H. M O N Okay Okay O N E N

Division of Historic previous Faculty of California, Los Angeles

C A M B R I D G E U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S

Cambridge London New York New Rochelle Melbourne Sydney

P u b l i s h e d by the P r e s s S y n d i c a t e of the U n i v e r s i t y o f C a m b r i d g e T h e Pitt B u i l d i n g , T r u m p i n g t o n Street, C a m b r i d g e C B 2 1RP 32 East 57th Street, N e w York, N Y 10022, U S A 296 B e a c o n s f i e l d Parade, M i d d l e P a r okay , M e l b o u r n e 3206, Australia

© C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press 1981

First p u b l i s h e d 1981

Printed inside the U n i t e d S t a t e s of A m e r i c a T y p e s e t by D a v i d E. S e h a m A s s o c . , Inc. Printed and b o u n d by V a i l – B a l l o u Press Inc.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Info

M o n okay okay o n e n , Eric H 1 9 4 2 –

P o l i c e in u r b a n A m e r i c a , 1 eight 6 zero – 1920.

(Interdisciplinary views on trendy

h istory)

Consists of b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l r e f e r e n c e s and index.

I. P o l i c e – U n i t e d S t a t e s – H i s t o r y . I. T i t l e . II. S e r i e s . H V eight 1 three eight . M 6 5 three 6 three . 2 ‘ zero 9 7 three eight zero – 1 6 7 6 2 I S B N zero 5 2 1 23454 9

1 The historic development of the police

To forestall the c o m m i s s i o n of crime is a paramount o b j e c t , and if the appears of the police, in a fancy dress d i s t i n g u i s h i n g them from completely different residents, will are more likely to this finish consequence, it is correctly undoubtedly definitely worth the experi- m e n t . . .

B o s t o n , Annual Report of the Chief of Police (1857)

The town locus of policing

On account of the details of t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of the authorized j u s t i c e sys- t e m , and significantly of t h e p o l i c e , inside the n i n e t e e n t h a n d early t w e n – tieth centuries h a v e i n h e r e n t i n t e r e s t , it h a s b e e n comparatively easy for h i s t o r i a n s to a v o i d a d e e p e r , m o r e analytic v i e w o t h e r than that w h i c h c o m e s from narration a n d d e s c r i p t i o n . 1 T h i s is n o t to d e n y the value of such d e s c r i p t i o n and c h r o n i c l i n g , for it is v a l u a b l e , b u t to d e m o n s t r a t e t h e subject of u n d e r s t a n d i n g u n d e r l y i n g relation- s h i p s inside the u r b a n p o l i c e all through the U n i t e d States in t h e n i n e t e e n t h century. W e okay n o w that, w i t h solely slight v a r i a t i o n s , police forces h a v e developed i n t o m u c h t h e s a m e m o d e l all through the n a t i o n within the current day, b u t w e n e e d to okay n o w if each police system adopted the s a m e devel- o p m e n t a l path a n d if each developed from the s a m e s t a r t i n g p o i n t . 2 If the p o l i c e in quite a few c i t i e s b e g a n f r o m totally d i f f e r e n t p o i n t s , c o n v e r g i n g solely w i t h t h e c o m p l e t i o n of the m o v e s i n t o u n i f o r m , the police m u s t h a v e b e e n s h a p e d b y s i m i l a r exterior forces. If, h o w e v e r , all c i t i e s h a d t h e s a m e okay i n d of p r e – u n i f o r m e d police that adopted the s a m e e v o l u t i o n a r y p a t h to the u n i f o r m , then it is un- clear w h a t okay i n d s of p r e s s u r e s h a p e d the c h a n g e – i n t e r n a l , exterior, or b o t h . I argue that t h e first s i t u a t i o n o b t a i n e d : S t a r t i n g f r o m di- verse i n s t i t u t i o n a l a r r a n g e m e n t s a n d following d i v e r s e p a t t e r n s , exterior forces and c o n s t r a i n t s created m o d e r n u r b a n police forces in practically the s a m e m o l d .

T h e d e s c i p t i o n and a n a l y s i s that follows is b a s e d on the w o r okay of v a r i o u s college students w h o in t h e earlier ten years h a v e each a d d e d a p i e c e to a puzzle that h a s b e g u n to s h o w its o u t l i n e s , even t h o u g h m u c h m o r e work r e m a i n s . It h a s taken a decade for a c o m p r e h e n s i v e pic- ture to b e f a s h i o n e d b e c a u s e the details t h e m s e l v e s h a v e e i t h e r

30

The historic development of the police 31

b e e n i g n o r e d b y h i s t o r i a n s i n t e r e s t e d in t h e b r o a d e r parts of so- cial a n d u r b a n h i s t o r y , or b e c a u s e t h e p o l i c e , from t h e p o i n t of v i e w of m a n y college students, h a v e b e e n and r e m a i n an u n a n a l y z e d part of t h e historic social building. Inside the late n i n e t e e n t h a n d early t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s , p o l i c e h i s t o r i e s f u n c t i o n e d as a f o r m of c o m p a n y h i s t o r y , a s s e m b l e d to s h o w a g l o r i o u s o r i g i n , usually w i t h c o n s c i o u s i n t e n t of instilling c o n t e m p o r a r y p o l i c e p r i d e : E v e n the title of A u g u s t i n e C o s t e l l o ‘ s Our Police Protectors (1885) s h o w s t h i s a s p e c t of t h e b o o okay ‘ s p u r p o s e . R e c e n t historic s t u d i e s , h o w e v e r , s h o w a m o r e important perspective in the direction of p o l i c i n g inside the p a s t , b u t t e n d to c o n v e y t h e i m p r e s s i o n that t h e h i s t o r y of p o l i c i n g h a s b e e n t h e story of p r o g – ress a w a y from the b a r b a r i s m of t h e n i n e t e e n t h a n d early t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s .

A s p e c i f i c political c h a n g e u n d e r l i e s t h e m o r e v i s i b l e c h a n g e i n p o l i c i n g b e t w e e n 1800 and 1920: t h e shift of p o l i c i n g f u n c t i o n s f r o m a traditional, if v a g u e , a t t a c h m e n t to the j u d i c i a l b r a n c h of g o v e r n – m e n t to a f i r m l o d g i n g in m u n i c i p a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . T h e c h a n g e inside the n a t u r e of the p o l i c e f r o m an i n f o r m a l , e v e n casual, b u r e a u c r a c y to a f o r m a l , r u l e – g o v e r n e d , militaristic o r g a n i z a t i o n m i r r o r e d t h i s d e e p e r p o l i t i c a l s h i f t . A s t h e n a t u r e of t h e p o l i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n c h a n g e d , so d i d its s p e c i f i c d u t i e s , w h i c h m o v e d first f r o m a g e n – eral c o n c e r n w i t h t h e orderly f u n c t i o n i n g of c i t i e s , a small part of w h i c h w a s c a t c h i n g c r i m i n a l s ; to t h e f u n c t i o n in t h e m i d a n d late n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y of controlling t h e d a n g e r o u s class, w i t h a g r o w – i n g e m p h a s i s on c r i m e administration; a n d lastly to the f o r m of social c o n – trol that w e r e c o g n i z e within the current day, e m p h a s i z i n g c r i m e a n d guests administration. T h e authorized arrest p o w e r h a s always b e e n the u l t i m a t e p o w e r u n – derlying t h e p o l i c e , b u t w e m u s t okay e e p in m i n d that this in n o w a y expresses the totality of p o l i c e b e h a v i o r , e i t h e r inside the p a s t o r within the current day. I n d e e d , o n e of the m i n o r p o i n t s of this c h a p t e r will b e to s h o w t h e number of t h i n g s the p o l i c e h a v e d o n e , a n d the m a i n exercise of t h e c h a p t e r will b e to d e s c r i b e h o w t h i s selection h a s c h a n g e d . T h u s , although the m o s t v i s i b l e f u n c t i o n of the p o s t – World W a r I police is c r i m e administration, w e m u s t r e m e m b e r that t o d a y t h e frequent officer s p e n d s a g o o d deal of t i m e in n o n – c r i m e – r e l a t e d a c t i v i t i e s , a situa- tion that, by the way in which, creates a irritating i n c o n s i s t e n c y b e t w e e n the i m a g e a n d actuality of police w o r okay .

English origins

Inside the p r e – u n i f o r m interval, the c o n s t a b l e a n d w a t c h , a s y s t e m w i t h ori- g i n s r e a c h i n g b a c okay i n t o t h i r t e e n t h – c e n t u r y E n g l a n d , p o l i c e d c i t i e s

Police in metropolis America, 1860 — 1920

and villages. T h e s p e c i f i c office of c o n s t a b l e as a p a r t – t i m e p e a c e okay e e p e r h a d developed b y t h e late fifteenth century, b u t formal codifi- cation h a d occurred m u c h earlier w i t h the Statute of W i n c h e s t e r (1285), w h i c h h a d moreover c o d i f i e d the watch a n d the h u e a n d cry. T h e c o n s t a b l e , s u b s e r v i e n t to the j u s t i c e of the p e a c e , arrested t h o s e w h o b r o okay e the ” okay i n g ‘ s p e a c e , ” raised the h u e and cry, a n d arrested p e r s o n s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e ” c o m m o n n u i s a n c e s of the w a r d , ” w h i c h would possibly fluctuate f r o m b a okay e r s c h e a t i n g on the w e i g h t of b r e a d to the w h o l e c o m m u n i t y n e g l e c t i n g to p r o v i s i o n the p o o r . three Although the p o s i t i o n of c o n s t a b l e , an elected o n e in t h e A m e r i c a n c o l o n i e s , w a s c o m p e n s a t e d b y f e e s a s s i g n e d b y the courtroom docket or j u s t i c e of the p e a c e , the n i g h t w a t c h b e g a n as an u n c o m p e n s a t e d , v o l u n t a r y p o – s i t i o n . In its t h i r t e e n t h – c e n t u r y o r i g i n s , the u n c o m p e n s a t e d n i g h t watch w a s a m e t h o d of c o m m u n i t y s e l f – p r o t e c t i o n , a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of all grownup m a l e s . By S h a okay e s p e a r e ‘ s t i m e in E n g l a n d , the develop- m e n t of a m o n e y e c o n o m y a n d g r e a t e r u r b a n c o m p l e x i t y h a d r e d u c e d the watch to a decrepit stress of u n e m p l o y a b l e s , paid a m i n i m a l w a g e that h a d b e g u n as a f e e – b a s e d s c h e m e of b u y i n g s u b s t i t u t e s for w a t c h obligation. O n c e the w a t c h h a d c h a n g e d from a voluntary p o s i t i o n to o n e d e p e n d e n t on p a i d s u b s t i t u t e s , it b e c a m e the mounted b u t t of j o okay e s b o t h in E n g l a n d a n d A m e r i c a , and w h a t – ever the effectiveness it h a d p o s s e s s e d d i s a p p e a r e d . In 1808, for e x a m p l e , the Louisiana Gazette c o m m e n t e d on the N e w O r l e a n s watch: ‘ ” S i n c e substitutes have b e e n allowed, the patrol is com- p o s e d principally of the m o s t w o r t h l e s s p a r t of the c o m m u n i t y , n o t to u s e a m o r e acceptable t e r m . It is like setting w o l v e s to guard s h e e p ‘ . ” 4

T h e trigger for the w a t c h ‘ s f e e b l e n e s s , although usually b l a m e d on the p o o r p a y and that i n e f f e c t i v e , defective or a n c i e n t p e r s o n n e l , in fact derived from its earliest E n g l i s h conceptual b a s i s , w h i c h w a s shared b y the c o n s t a b l e and b e s t e x e m p l i f i e d inside the h u e a n d cry and posse comitatus. T h e t w o approved o b l i g a t i o n s of the p o s s e c o m i t a t u s , theoretically c o m p o s e d of all m a l e s over the age of fifteen inside the county as often called up b y the sheriff, a n d of the h u e and cry, the s h o u t of the v i c t i m of a c r i m e o r a c o n s t a b l e , w h i c h legally b o u n d all males h e a r i n g it to p u r s u e the o f f e n d e r until c a u g h t , formalized c o m m u – nity laws e n f o r c e m e n t . 5 A s the b r o a d e s t diploma of c o m m u n i t y enforce- m e n t , t h e s e approved o b l i g a t i o n s concretely s p e c i f i e d the u l t i m a t e inter- est of all neighborhood m e m b e r s inside the preservation of order and laws e n f o r c e m e n t . H o w e v e r , that the v o l u n t a r y parts of c o m m u n i t y laws e n f o r c e m e n t h a d b e e n d e f i n e d as a approved o b l i g a t i o n b y the Stat-

44 The historic development of the police 45

ute of W i n c h e s t e r should m a okay e us s u s p e c t t h e i r actually v o l u n t a r y and pure n a t u r e .

I n d e e d , if w e step b a c okay to the interval p r i o r to the Statute of W i n c h e s – ter, b e f o r e the codification of c o m m u n i t y laws e n f o r c e m e n t , w e dis- cowl that from the t i m e of the N o r m a n c o n q u e s t until the thir- teenth c e n t u r y the A n g l o – S a x o n i n h a b i t a n t s of B r i t a i n , dominated b y the N o r m a n s , h a d b e e n u n d e r the c o m p u l s o r y social administration s y s t e m of frankpledge. Frankpledge, described b y its historian as a ” ‘system of compulsory collective bail mounted for i n d i v i d u a l s , n o t after their ar- leisure for a c r i m e , b u t as a safeguard in a n t i c i p a t i o n of i t ‘ , ” compelled the c o m m u n i t y to easily settle for r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the b e h a v i o r of its i n d i v i d – ual m e m b e r s , to p r o d u c e o f f e n d e r s f o r trial, or, if u n a b l e to d i s c o v e r the offender, to p a y the f i n e s . 6 T h u s , frankpledge d e m a n d e d that the c o n q u e r e d A n g l o – S a x o n s p r e s e r v e N o r m a n – d e f i n e d laws and or- der w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y . E x e m p l i f y i n g c o m m u n i t y laws enforce- m e n t at its m o s t b a s i c diploma, f r a n okay p l e d g e p r o v i d e d the conceptual b a s i s for the laws e n f o r c e m e n t s c h e m e inside the Statute of W i n c h e s t e r . H o w e v e r , it is clear that t h e n a t u r e of frankpledge w a s n o t volun- tary c o m m u n i t y s e l f – d e f e n s e , b u t comparatively a s i m p l e w a y of c o n q u e r o r s controlling the c o n q u e r e d . C o m m u n i t y p o l i c i n g , t h e r e f o r e , devel- o p e d n o t out of a n y organically developed s y s t e m of social self-con- trol, b u t from an e x p e d i e n t m e a n s of social administration b y alien con- q u e r o r s . It is n o w o n d e r that this m e a n s of l a w e n f o r c e m e n t n e v e r developed i n t o an environment friendly or j u s t s y s t e m , w h e t h e r in E n g l a n d or A m e r i c a , for it w a s b a s e d on a faulty c o n c e p t .

In translation from B r i t a i n to A m e r i c a , positive c h a n g e s inside the of- fice of t h e s h e r i f f c a m e a b o u t . O r i g i n a l l y an e x e c u t i v e of good p o w e r in E n g l a n d , the sheriff h a d b e c o m e the officer accountable for the courtroom docket’s b u s i n e s s inside the U n i t e d States b y the b e g i n n i n g of the n i n e t e e n t h century. A l t h o u g h s o m e t i m e s r e s p o n s i b l e for the e n – f o r c e m e n t of c r i m i n a l laws, the sheriff and h i s d e p u t i e s or m a r s h a l s n e v e r h a d a patrol r e s p o n s i b i l i t y like that of the w a t c h . T h e time interval marshal inside the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y did not always examine with an officer of the courtroom docket. Inside the territorial W e s t , significantly inside the m i d n i n e t e e n t h century, native regulation enforcement officers a n d t h e i r u n d e r l i n g s w e r e often called mar- shals and d e p u t i e s , t h e m a r s h a l s c o r r e s p o n d i n g to h e a d c o n s t a b l e s and the d e p u t i e s to c o n s t a b l e s . For i n s t a n c e , in D e n v e r city’s first structure u n d e r a territorial g o v e r n m e n t d e f i n e d a m a r s h a l as an official who would possibly ” ‘do the entire acts Constable would possibly lawfully d o ‘ . ” 7 U n l i okay e h i s c o n s t a b u l a r y c o u n t e r p a r t , h o w e v e r , the m a r s h a l had n o n i g h t w a t c h formally e s t a b l i s h e d ; c o n c e i v a b l y , the m a r s h a l ‘ s

Police in metropolis America, 1860 — 1920

d e p u t i e s would possibly f u n c t i o n as a w a t c h w h e n n e c e s s a r y . T h e lack of a watch system inside the West implies that its well-known reputation for ineffectiveness had created no reasonably priced substitute in want of a uniformed police, and the n e w g o v e r n m e n t s merely dropped the watch provision.

Although the actual duties of the watch and constable (or mar- shal) varied from place to place a n d t i m e to t i m e inside the U n i t e d States, the general duties coated a b r o a d fluctuate of police options. T h e n i g h t watch p r e s e r v e d order, b r o a d l y d e f i n e d to i n c l u d e re- p o r t i n g fires, r a i s i n g the h u e and cry if t h e y d i s c o v e r e d authorized o f f e n s e s , and arresting or d e t a i n i n g for arrest s u s p i c i o u s and disor- derly p e r s o n s . In B o s t o n , for e x a m p l e , the watch h a d a statutory o b l i g a t i o n to ” ‘ e x a m i n e all p e r s o n s , w h o m t h e y h a v e r e a s o n to sus- p e c t of unlawful d e s i g n ‘ ” ; to ” ‘stroll the r o u n d s in and a b o u t the s t r e e t s ‘ ” ; to report fires and suppress riots and disturbances; and to mild a n d m a i n t a i n t h e s t r e e t l a m p s . eight A l t h o u g h such d u t i e s s o u n d easy e n o u g h , the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n usually p r o v e d u n s a t i s – manufacturing unit. In C i n c i n n a t i , for i n s t a n c e , inside the 1850s each w a r d elected its w a t c h m e m b e r s . T h e w a t c h , b e c a u s e of its w a r d – b a s e d loyalties, reported solely t h o s e fires w i t h i n the ward. Even w o r s e , w h e n var- ious v o l u n t e e r fireside d e p a r t m e n t s clashed, the v a r i o u s w a r d w a t c h e s , w h i c h h a d p o w e r s of arrest e q u a l to t h o s e of the c o n s t a b l e s , ar- rested m a i n l y f i r e m e n from o t h e r w a r d s , t h u s c o m i n g to the battle assist of t h e i r n e i g h b o r h o o d fireside d e p a r t m e n t . 9

R e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r o r d e r m o r e broadly d e f i n e d to i n c l u d e e l i m i – n a t i n g effectively being h a z a r d s a n d road o b s t r u c t i o n s , along with e x e c u t i n g courtroom docket orders a n d c a t c h i n g c r i m i n a l s , fell u p o n c o n s t a b l e s . C o m – p a r e d to the w a t c h , the c o n s t a b l e s ‘ or m a r s h a l s ‘ d u t i e s w e r e even m o r e v a r i e d . N o t solely did t h e y w o r okay for the c o u r t s , arresting of- f e n d e r s , b r i n g i n g in w i t n e s s e s , and serving p a p e r s ; t h e y moreover h a d to maintain watch over s u s p i c i o u s p e r s o n s and areas inside the metropolis, plus act as effectively being officers. In D e n v e r , f o r i n s t a n c e , in 1860 city m a r s h a l u s e d h i s authority to o r d e r t h e eradicating of a s l a u g h t e r h o u s e a n d a tannery, b o t h positioned inside the c e n t e r of t o w n . 1 zero Extra, a n d m o r e distastefully, the D e n v e r m a r s h a l h a d a c o n s t a n t b a t t l e w i t h stray canine, p i g s , a n d o t h e r livestock; b u t w h i l e the h o g a n d livestock p r o b l e m h a d b e g u n to a b a t e b y t h e 1870s, t h e stray d o g s c o n t i n u e d to b e c o n s i d e r e d a p r o b l e m . M a r s h a l s dealt w i t h canine b y s h o o t i n g t h e m , and thru the 1880s, w o u n d e d , m a i m e d , a n d d y i n g canine, their entrails trailing, h o w l e d t h r o u g h t h e streets of D e n v e r . N o t until 1883 did t h i s entice a n y n e g a t i v e c o m m e n t s , a n e w s p a p e r edi- tor lastly proclaiming that ” ‘There’s one thing mainly cruel in

44 The historic development of the police 45

filling the h i n d q u a r t e r s of even a d u m b b r u t e w i t h b u c okay s h o t a n d s e n d i n g h i m m o u r n i n g n o i s e l y u p the streets, w i t h h i s liver a n d l u n g s a n d o t h e r a b s o l u t e n e c e s s i t i e s i n t a c t a n d q u i v e r i n g w i t h p a i n ‘ . ” 1 1

It m u s t b e e m p h a s i z e d that every one t h e s e duties d i d n o t finish consequence from a c o n c e p t i o n of t h e v a r i o u s officers of t h e p o l i c e as p r e v e n t i n g c r i m e , d i s c o v e r i n g c r i m i n a l o f f e n s e s , or repeatedly i n t e r v e n i n g in t h e crimi- nal p r o c e s s b e f o r e a c o m p l a i n i n g v i c t i m o r a w i t n e s s a p p e a r e d . 1 2 T h o s e o f f e n s e s that officers w e r e o b l i g e d to seek out on t h e i r o w n initiative w e r e solely the o n e s that affected the p u b l i c effectively being a n d welfare as a w h o l e : All o t h e r actions resulted f r o m s o m e okay i n d of formal r e q u e s t , w h e t h e r to arrest a n o f f e n d e r or to maintain an i n – sane p e r s o n . 1 three T h u s , w h e r e a s the duties of t h e c o n s t a b l e a n d w a t c h had been v a r i e d , they w e r e p r e c i s e in t h e i r regular c o n c e p t i o n . T h e y took i n i t i a t i v e in p r e s e r v i n g effectively being a n d order tips that affected the c o m m u n i t y as a w h o l e , a n d t h e y r e s p o n d e d to r e q u e s t s from i n d i – vidual v i c t i m s of c r i m i n a l o f f e n s e s .

It is robust to j u d g e t h e whole e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the c o n s t a b l e – watch s y s t e m , o t h e r t h a n to o b s e r v e its a b i l i t y to p e r s i s t for 600 y e a r s . 1 4 Its m a i n failure s e e m s to h a v e b e e n its i n a b i l i t y to protect property a n d administration riots, for various m e a n s of social administration developed for b o t h t h e s e – t h e thief catchers and the m i l i t i a o r mili- tary. T h i e f catchers existed in E n g l a n d not lower than as early as 1534, a n d the s y s t e m d i d not e n d u n t i l the u n i f o r m i n g of t h e police a n d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of i n s u r a n c e inside the m i d n i n e t e e n t h century. T h i e f catchers did n o t actually catch t h i e v e s , b u t comparatively recovered stolen property; functionally, t h e y r e s e m b l e d f e n c e s in that t h e y acted as m a r okay e t i n g brokers for t h i e v e s . T h e m o s t f a m o u s thief catcher i n E n – gland, Jonathan Wild, managed to behave as a seller between thieves and t h e o w n e r s of stolen p r o p e r t y ; t h e o w n e r s p a i d a r a n s o m f e e for the p r o p e r t y w h i l e W i l d fastidiously a v o i d e d actually c o m i n g i n t o p o s – s e s s i o n of the property.

A l t h o u g h n o i n d i v i d u a l s inside the U n i t e d States operated on such an enormous scale as W i l d , A m e r i c a n c i t i e s d i d h a v e p r o m i n e n t t h i e f catchers. R o g e r L a n e cites t h e e x a m p l e of G e o r g e R e e d , b o t h a con- safe a n d a t h i e f catcher in B o s t o n inside the 1820s: A c c o r d i n g to a c o n t e m p o r a r y , ‘ ” T h e secret of h i s [ R e e d ‘ s ] w o n d e r f u l s u c c e s s , so it w a s s a i d , w a s in h i s h a v i n g in h i s e m p l o y p a r t i e s w h o w e r e in h i s p o w e r , w h o s e l i b e r t y a n d in s o m e situations, it w a s i n t i m a t e d , t h e i r p e r m i s s i o n to p l y t h e i r v o c a t i o n , d e p e n d e d on the v a l u e of the i n – f o r m a t i o n t h e y w e r e a b l e to f u r n i s h h i m ‘ . ” 1 5 T h e constable/thief catcher, like R e e d , a n d t h e c o m m e r c i a l t h i e f catcher like W i l d , dif-

36 Police in metropolis America, 1860 — 1920

fered m a i n l y inside the g r e a t e r b a r g a i n i n g p o w e r of the c o n s t a b l e w i t h h i s skilled p o w e r of arrest; the p a s s a g e cited b y L a n e s u g g e s t s that t h e c o n s t a b l e s , like police detectives within the current day, b a r g a i n e d w i t h t h i e v e s , shopping for and promoting f r e e d o m for i n f o r m a t i o n . B u t u n l i okay e m o d e r n detec- tives, the constable/thief catcher then traded the data with the sufferer of the theft for a reward.

In t h e t h i e f – c a t c h i n g s y s t e m of r e t u r n i n g stolen p r o p e r t y , the i n – dividual p r o p e r t y o w n e r took the hazard, as o p p o s e d to the m o r e re- cent i n s u r a n c e system w h e r e an enormous group of p r o p e r t y o w n e r s dis- tributes the hazard. F u r t h e r m o r e , inside the t h i e f – c a t c h i n g s y s t e m , the thief catcher r e t u r n e d t h e exact stolen property, b u t t o d a y the in- surance c o m p a n y r e t u r n s a p r o p o r t i o n of the m o n e y v a l u e . 1 6 A third s y s t e m a t i c distinction n o w permits s o m e w h a t neutral third p a r – ties, the p o l i c e , comparatively t h a n s o m e okay i n d of authorized receiver, to b e involved inside the t r a n s a c t i o n : T h u s t h e i n s u r a n c e s y s t e m b r e a okay s t h e supplies c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n t h i e v e s and p r o p e r t y o w n e r s . T h e t h i e v e s and c r i m i n a l receivers m a r okay e t the stolen g o o d s a n d the i n – surance c o m p a n i e s b e a r the c o m p e n s a t o r y worth. T h e police do n o t h a v e to n e g o t i a t e w i t h t h i e v e s as d i d thief catchers, a n d as a result of this truth n e e d solely to d e f i n e the g o o d s as stolen. B e c a u s e t h e c h a n g e f r o m thief c a t c h i n g to i n s u r a n c e lagged b e h i n d t h e u n i f i c a t i o n of the po- lice, for a p e r i o d in t h e m i d to late n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y police detec- tives f u n c t i o n e d as t h i e f catchers, n e g o t i a t i n g b e t w e e n thieves a n d p r o p e r t y o w n e r s for p e r s o n a l income. In N e w York, for i n s t a n c e , dur- ing the 1850s, the return of a stolen watch would possibly worth a p a y m e n t of s e v e n t y – f i v e to the p o l i c e . 1 7

T h e second w e a okay n e s s of the c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h s y s t e m , its i n a b i l – ity to control m o b s a n d riots, moreover resulted inside the u s e of alternate administration s y s t e m s . T h i s s h o u l d not b e interpreted as a result of the s y s t e m a t i c failure of the c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h s y s t e m , b u t comparatively as s h o w i n g the i n h e r e n t i n a b i l i t y of a n y civil p o l i c e stress to deal w i t h m a s s actions. A l t h o u g h civil a u t h o r i t i e s nonetheless m a okay e the a t t e m p t , the administration of m o b s h a s n e v e r b e e n effectively or fully transferred from the navy to the p o l i c e . F o r i n s t a n c e , in 1842 in C i n c i n n a t i the consta- b l e – w a t c h variety police did not s u p p r e s s a riot, and the militia h a d to b e often called i n . A s a finish consequence, city council created the ” P o l i c e G u a r d , ” a militia/police reserve u n i t significantly for riot c o n t r o l . 1 eight Inside the late 1850s, P h i l a d e l p h i a moreover created a reserve corps for riot administration, w e a r i n g t h e first police u n i f o r m s inside the c i t y . 1 9 In b o t h situations, the reserve corps d e m o n s t r a t e d the failure of typical p o – lice s y s t e m s a n d the n e e d for s o m e okay i n d of militia. T h e u n i f i c a t i o n a n d u n i f o r m i n g of the police did little to i n c r e a s e their riot administration

44 The historic development of the police 45

capability. As an example, a decade after the N e w York police had b e e n u n i f i e d a n d u n i f o r m e d , t h e draft riot of 1863 erupted. T h i s riot, usually cited as an e x a m p l e of worthwhile p o l i c e security of blacks from h o s t i l e Irish rioters, in fact d e m o n s t r a t e d the i n a b i l i t y of t h e N e w York M e t r o p o l i t a n Police to control d e t e r m i n e d rioters. T h e riot c o n t i n u e d until t h e a r m y effectively quelled it. T h e p o l i c e , although comparatively correctly o r g a n i z e d and c o o r d i n a t e d , and d e m o n – strating r e m a r okay a b l e d i s c i p l i n e , s i m p l y lacked the p o w e r and strategies n e c e s s a r y to w i n . 2 zero

O n e can u n d e r s t a n d the m e a n i n g and particulars of t h e c h a n g e from t h e t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h m e a n s of p o l i c i n g to t h e u n i – f o r m e d police b y attempting b r i e f l y on the o r i g i n s of t h e M e t r o p o l i t a n Police of L o n d o n . C r e a t e d b y H o m e Secretary R o b e r t Peel in 1829, the M e t r o p o l i t a n Police p r o v i d e d a m o d e l f o r the earliest u n i f o r m e d police forces inside the U n i t e d States. Peel’s p r i o r e x p e r i e n c e in polic- ing h a d b e e n the creation a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of t h e police of Ire- land. In s u b d u i n g the incessantly r e b e l l i o u s Irish, h e h a d l e a r n e d h o w to o v e r c o m e the political and p h i l o s o p h i c a l r e s i s t a n c e to a u n i – f o r m e d p o l i c e along with h o w to building t h i s n e w okay i n d of p o l i c e .

Ireland, a nation of unwilling subjects dominated b y a loyal English lord l i e u t e n a n t a n d h i s secretaries, h a d p a r l i a m e n t a r y r e p r e s e n t a t i o n solely t h r o u g h Irish Protestants loyal to E n g l a n d . Peel b e c a m e chief secretary to t h e lord l i e u t e n a n t of Ireland at t h e age of t w e n t y – f o u r , merely three years after h i s father h a d p u r c h a s e d h i m a seat in t h e H o u s e of C o m m o n s . A r i s i n g t a l e n t a m o n g c o n s e r v a t i v e s , P e e l f o u n d h i s n e w p o s i t i o n in Ireland b o t h robust and c h a l l e n g i n g , as a result of it a m o u n t e d to a d m i n i s t e r i n g a h o s t i l e c o u n t r y and r e p r e s e n t i n g its pursuits in P a r l i a m e n t . P e e l ‘ s b i o g r a p h e r d e s c r i b e d the p o s i t i o n as ” a c o m b i n a t i o n of P r i m e M i n i s t e r , H o m e Secretary, First Lord of the Treasury, P r e s i d e n t of the Board of Commerce, a n d Secretary for W a r . ” 2 1 Peel’s p r e v i o u s e x p e r i e n c e as an u n d e r secretary inside the W a r and C o l o n i e s O f f i c e h a d p r e p a r e d h i m s o m e w h a t inside the m a n a g e – m e n t of a l i e n , p o v e r t y s t r i c okay e n , a n d r e b e l l i o u s p o p u l a t i o n s . M o r e – over, h i s s t a u n c h P r o t e s t a n t i s m and u n w i l l i n g n e s s to grant political rights to Catholics m a d e h i m ideologically good to run the affairs of Ireland, not lower than from the E n g l i s h p o i n t of v i e w .

Irish r e b e l l i o u s n e s s a g a i n s t the E n g l i s h , P r o t e s t a n t s , a n d land- lords h a d b e e n e n d e m i c s i n c e not lower than the m i d – e i g h t e e n t h – c e n t u r y p e a s a n t r e b e l l i o n s okay n o w n as W h i t e b o y i s m . By the t i m e Peel obtained right here to Ireland, the b e h a v i o r of the Irish r e s e m b l e d that of g h e t t o i z e d p e o p l e a n y w h e r e . H e w r o t e to the P r i m e M i n i s t e r , ” Y o u h a v e n o considered the moral d e p r i v a t i o n of t h e lower orders in that nation. In

38 Police in metropolis America, 1860 — 1920

fidelity within the course of each o t h e r t h e y are u n e x a m p l e d , as t h e y are in t h e i r s a n g u i n a r y d i s p o s i t i o n a n d f e a r l e s s n e s s o f t h e c o n s e – q u e n c e s . ” 2 2 A s the n a t i v e Irish constables w e r e u n c o o p e r a t i v e a n d corrupt, the p e a s a n t s r e f u s e d to assist in authorized p r o s e c u t i o n s , n e i – ther c o m i n g forward as w i t n e s s e s n o r even reporting offenses, part- ly out of concern of reprisal and partly out of hatred of the English. Peel acknowledged the ineffectiveness of the repeated u s e of navy stress to guard order, for the usual English d e p e n d e n c e on ” ‘the f r e q u e n t u s e of s o l d i e r s in that m a n n e r m a d e the p e o p l e look u p o n t h e m as t h e i r adversaries comparatively than t h e i r p r o t e c t o r s ‘ , ” and to b e environment friendly a police stress h a d to b e c o m e p e r m a n e n t a n d legiti- m a t e . 2 three Peel’s ” P e a c e P r e s e r v a t i o n ” Bill, w h i c h h e i n t r o d u c e d a n d g u i d e d to p a s s a g e in P a r l i a m e n t in 1818, w h e n h e w a s t w e n t y – s i x years outdated, p r o v i d e d the legislative b a s i s for a p e r m a n e n t u n i f o r m e d Irish p o l i c e .

T h i s n e w p o l i c e stress d i d n o t c o m e fully u n p r e c e d e n t e d to Ire- land, as a result of the E n g l i s h h a d i n t r o d u c e d an earlier system in D u b l i n in 1785. T h e policed areas b o r e the costs of t h e n e w p o l i c e t h r o u g h taxation p u r p o s e l y d e s i g n e d as a n e g a t i v e s a n c t i o n on r e b e l l i o u s c o u n t i e s , r e m i n d i n g o n e of the N o r m a n f r a n okay p l e d g e – a okay i n d of externally i m p o s e d c o m m u n i t y laws e n f o r c e m e n t . T h e officers inside the n e w police, f o r m e r m i l i t a r y m e n , w o r e w i l d l y v a r i e d u n i f o r m s : ” s o m e in scarlet cloaks w i t h p l u m e d brass h e l m e t s b e a r i n g the in- scription ‘ W a t e r l o o , ‘ s o m e in h u s s a r u n i f o r m w i t h s h o r t cloaks, o t h e r s attired as r i f l e m e n driving p i l l i o n . ” 2 4 Peel’s Irish p o l i c e suc- c e e d e d in r e d u c i n g the costs involved in c o n t i n u a l navy inter- v e n t i o n ; h e moreover g a i n e d e x p e r i e n c e in allaying E n g l i s h fears of a F r e n c h – s t y l e m i l i t a r y p o l i c e b y the u s e of e u p h e m i s m s like ” P e a c e P r e s e r v a t i o n ” r a t h e r t h a n ” p o l i c e . ” A s h e w r o t e to a f r i e n d in 1822, ” ‘I w a s additional i n c l i n e d to the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a B o d y of G e n d a r – m e r i e (to b e often called b y s o m e a lot much less startling n a m e ) . . . ” 2 S

A d e c a d e after the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the Irish p o l i c e , Peel, w h o h a d r i s e n to b e c o m e h o m e s e c r e t a r y f o r E n g l a n d , s u c c e s s f u l l y g u i d e d t h r o u g h P a r l i a m e n t t h e bill e s t a b l i s h i n g the M e t r o p o l i t a n Police for larger L o n d o n , t h e p o l i c e stress that to w a s to b e c o m e the m o d e l f o r the U n i t e d S t a t e s ‘ p o l i c e s y s t e m . T h e r e w a s an i m p o r t a n t parallel inside the o r i g i n s of b o t h the ” P e e l e r s ” o r ” B o b b i e s ” and the c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h system that t h e y modified: B o t h w e r e d e s i g n e d to control d i s s i d e n t and r e b e l l i o u s native p o p u l a t i o n s b y ethnically dif- ferent c o n q u e r o r s . P e e l ‘ s g e n i u s lay in h i s capability to s e e b o t h t h e n e e d f o r l e g i t i m a c y of s o m e kind a n d t h e i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s of c o n t i n u a l m i l i t a r y p r e s e n c e as a worthwhile m e a n s of social administration. H i s police

44 The historic development of the police 45

created a n e w okay i n d of b u r e a u c r a c y , positioned i n a social space m i d w a y b e t w e e n an o u t s i d e m i l i t a r y stress a n d the group of p e o p l e to b e managed. T h e s e m i – m i l i t a r y u n i f o r m of t h e M e t r o p o l i t a n Police fastidiously s y m b o l i z e d this p o s i t i o n of the n e w p o l i c e – n e i t h e r civil- ian n o r m i l i t a r y – the u n i f o r m s a v o i d e d the usual m i l i t a r y crimson, u s i n g b l u e , a n d adopted t h e civilian f a s h i o n s of t h e t i m e . 2 6 E q u a l t h o u g h t w e n t i n t o t h e d e s i g n of the first A m e r i c a n u n i f o r m s in N e w York: J a m e s G e r a r d , t h e ” m a n w h o d i d the m o s t to p u t the stress in u n i f o r m , ” o n c e w o r e a L o n d o n M e t r o p o l i t a n p o l i c e u n i f o r m to a N e w York d r e s s ball, e m p h a s i z i n g the f a s h i o n a b l e a p p e a r a n c e of the u n i f o r m o v e r m i l i t a r i s t i c a s s o c i a t i o n s . 2 7 In a s e n s e , t h e n , the u n i f o r m s y m b o l i z e d t h e i n h e r e n t l y a m b i g u o u s p o s i t i o n of t h e n e w p o l i c e , for b y t h e i r v e r y a p p e a r a n c e , it was i m p o s s i b l e to say w h i c h side t h e y w e r e o n , t h e s t a t e ‘ s or t h e c o m m u n i t y ‘ s . Peel, to create a ” s o f t e r ” m e a n s of social administration t h a n the navy, h a d e s t a b l i s h e d an i n s t i t u t i o n that w o u l d b e on the c e n t e r of social battle for the next 150 y e a r s .

H i s t o r i a n W i l b u r Miller h a s argued that the p u b l i c relations ef- forts b y w h i c h the n e w p o l i c e s y s t e m s l e g i t i m i z e d t h e m s e l v e s dif- fered b e t w e e n Britain a n d t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . 2 eight In L o n d o n , t h e M e t – ropolitan Police e m p h a s i z e d their l e g i t i m a c y as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the E n g l i s h C o n s t i t u t i o n , t h e i r b e h a v i o r a n d d e m e a n o r b o u n d b y tips of laws a n d d e c o r u m , a n d b y o s t e n t a t i o u s l y a v o i d i n g political factionalism. In N e w York, robust a n d ready d e m o c r a t i c p r i n c i p l e s l e g i t i m i z e d t h e p o l i c e to r e p r e s e n t j u s t i c e on the street – officers individually d i s p e n s i n g j u s t i c e . T h i s perspective is b e s t s e e n in a state- m e n t a t t r i b u t e d to N e w York officer ” C l u b b e r ” W i l l i a m s : ” T h e r e is m o r e laws in t h e e n d of a p o l i c e m a n ‘ s n i g h t s t i c okay t h a n in a d e c i s i o n of the S u p r e m e C o u r t . ” 2 9 Miller sees t h e variations b e t w e e n the t w o m o d e s of l e g i t i m i z a t i o n as arising from the t w o historically differ- ent c o n c e p t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y inside the U n i t e d States a n d Britain. E n – glish political philosophers conceived of Parliament as representing the i n t e r e s t s of all p e r s o n s ” v i r t u a l l y ” ; that i s , all m e m b e r s of Parlia- m e n t stood for the g o o d of all G r e a t B r i t a i n . A m e r i c a n s , on t h e completely different hand, conceived of illustration in a additional literal sense: For specific i n t e r e s t s of areas to b e r e p r e s e n t e d , o n e n e e d e d ” a c t u a l ” r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . T h i s n o t i o n a c c o u n t s for the cautious d e s i g n of a p e r c a p i t a – b a s e d Dwelling of Representatives, requiring a census, as op- p o s e d to P a r l i a m e n t , w h e r e s o m e M P s r e p r e s e n t e d b o r o u g h s w i t h f e w or n o m e m b e r s . In t e r m s of p o l i c i n g , t h e s e d i f f e r e n c e s ap- peared on the street, i n d i v i d u a l A m e r i c a n regulation enforcement officers r e p r e s e n t – ing ” a c t u a l ” authority.

40 Police in metropolis America, 1860 — 1920

Miller’s a r g u m e n t m a okay e s the conceptual b a s i s of the t r a n s i t i o n from t h e M e t r o p o l i t a n Police of L o n d o n to the earliest U . S . p o l i c e , c o n s c i o u s l y m o d e l e d on the E n g l i s h p r e c e d e n t , m o r e s e n s i b l e . U p until t h e m o d e l i n g of t h e early U . S . u n i f o r m e d p o l i c e on English p r e c e d e n t s , o n e m u s t m a i n t a i n an A n g l o – A m e r i c a n p e r s p e c t i v e on p o l i c i n g , b u t after the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the first f e w A m e r i c a n de- p a r t m e n t s , the p a t h s of the police of the t w o c o u n t r i e s d i v e r g e d , these in A m e r i c a n cities having a look at each o t h e r comparatively than to Lon- don. N e v e r t h e l e s s , even t h o u g h police inside the U n i t e d States w e r e l e g i t i m i z e d in w a y s d i f f e r e n t from t h e i r E n g l i s h m o d e l , t h e y i n h e r – ited t h e b a s i c a m b i g u i t y of loyalty and authority so neatly s y m b o l – ized b y the u n i f o r m s .

Although P e e l ‘ s L o n d o n police p r o v i d e d a w o r okay a b l e m o d e l for i n n o v a t i o n in A m e r i c a n p o l i c i n g , it is i m p o r t a n t to understand that the m o d e l solely c a m e to b e u s e d after m u c h controversy a n d r e s i s t a n c e . A s a finish consequence, the p r o c e s s that u n i f i e d the d a y c o n s t a b l e s and the n i g h t w a t c h , a n d t h e n u n i f o r m e d t h e p o l i c e , took a l m o s t t w o dec- ades to complete in t h o s e U . S . cities that i n n o v a t e d first. H o w e v e r , w i t h each worthwhile u n i f i c a t i o n , the next obtained right here m o r e quickly, so that b y the tip of the century the t r a n s i t i o n from c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h to u n i f o r m e d police h a d b e c o m e a s i m p l e o v e r n i g h t m a t t e r of legis- lative fiat. T h e a r g u m e n t s over a c c o m p l i s h i n g the c h a n g e t e n d e d to adjust to the s a m e p a t t e r n , w h e t h e r in L o n d o n or N e w York or B o s t o n . T h e p r o p o n e n t s of the n e w police argued that the usual s y s t e m would possibly n o l o n g e r a d e q u a t e l y cope w i t h c r i m e and d i s o r d e r b e c a u s e of its i n e f f i c i e n c y , lack of central administration, i n c o m p e t e n t and/or cor- rupt p e r s o n n e l , f r a g m e n t e d o r g a n i z a t i o n , a n d i n a b i l i t y to p r e v e n t dysfunction and c r i m e . O p p o n e n t s argued that the n e w police threat- e n e d typical civil l i b e r t i e s and f r e e d o m , the E n g l i s h p o i n t i n g on the evil French police of F o u c h e a n d the A m e r i c a n s on the m o n a r – chical a n d a n t i d e m o c r a t i c E n g l i s h .

T h e creators of the n e w police i n t r o d u c e d a n e w c o n c e p t in social administration: the p r e v e n t i o n of c r i m e . W e can see on reflection that b o t h the p r o p o n e n t s a n d e n e m i e s of the n e w p o l i c e h a d authentic p o i n t s , b u t on an i s s u e that n e i t h e r r e c o g n i z e d . T a okay i n g an a r g u m e n t of the Ital- ian authorized laws r e f o r m e r , Beccaria, they claimed that frequent pa- trolling, p r e d i c t a b l e d e t e c t i o n of o f f e n s e s , and rational p u n i s h m e n t would d e t e r p o t e n t i a l o f f e n d e r s . three zero T h e y even e x t e n d e d Beccaria’s a r g u m e n t , c l a i m i n g that t h e sight of the police u n i f o r m itself would deter potential offenders. three 1 T h e o p p o n e n t s of the police had a mixed response to the idea of t h e u n i f o r m : O n the o n e h a n d , the v i s i b i l i t y of the u n i f o r m w o u l d okay e e p police from skulking and s p y i n g ; on the

44 The historic development of the police 45

completely different, the u n i f o r m s e e m e d to c o n f i r m the s u s p i c i o n s of t h o s e w h o feared that p o l i c e forces w o u l d evolve into s t a n d i n g a r m i e s . three 2

By arguing that u n i f o r m s would m a okay e the police a s t a n d i n g navy, m o s t civil l i b e r t a r i a n s ignored t h e conceptual shift involved in p r e v e n t i o n , a n d in so d o i n g i n s u r e d that t h e i r worst fears w o u l d b e realized. A s w e h a v e s e e n , the c o n s t a b l e s a n d thief catchers acted after offenses h a d occurred, w i t h t h e h o p e of c a t c h i n g the o f f e n d e r and restoring the stolen p r o p e r t y ; the authorized j u s t i c e system d i d not b e c o m e involved until a p r o h i b i t e d b e h a v i o r h a d occurred. B u t the n o t i o n of deterring potential offenses i m p l i e d a n e w perspective in the direction of social administration, d i v e r t i n g consideration f r o m illegal b e h a v i o r to p o t e n t i a l o f f e n d e r s , from act to actor. In so d o i n g , the e m p h a s i s basically i m p l i e d t h e forecasting capability of the p o l i c e , significantly to elucidate a n d p r e d i c t c r i m i n a l b e h a v i o r , t h u s r e n d e r i n g it a m e n a – ble to control. From the civil l i b e r t a r i a n p o i n t of v i e w , this i m p l i e d the flexibleness and correct of p r i o r restraint, of s t o p p i n g p e o p l e from do- ing w h a t o n e anticipated t h e m to do. B y accepting the n o t i o n of pre- v e n t i o n , b o t h the p r o p o n e n t s a n d t h e c r i t i c s of t h e n e w p o l i c e o p e n e d the P a n d o r a ‘ s subject of controlling p o t e n t i a l b e h a v i o r , dealing with w h a t m i g h t h a p p e n . O f c o u r s e , if worthwhile, the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of such administration w o u l d b e u n m e a s u r a b l e , for the p r e d i c t e d and t h u s forestalled b e h a v i o r would n e v e r o c c u r . three three

The American adoption of the London model

J a m e s W. Gerard p r e s e n t e d a rigorously r e a s o n e d a r g u m e n t for reor- g a n i z i n g and u n i f o r m i n g t h e N e w York p o l i c e in early 1853, follow- ing a go to of h i s t h e p r e v i o u s y e a r to L o n d o n , m a d e w i t h the i n t e n t ” o f o b s e r v i n g the i n s t i t u t i o n s of E n g l a n d a n d their w o r okay i n g on the m a s s e s of p e o p l e . ” G e r a r d ‘ s m a i n a r g u m e n t f o c u s e d on the ” e f f i – c i e n c y ” of the L o n d o n police c o m p a r e d to the c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h police of N e w York. T h i s e f f i c i e n c y w a s twofold – moral a n d p h y s i – cal. T h e p h y s i c a l e f f i c i e n c y c a m e f r o m b e t t e r o r g a n i z a t i o n a n d larger n u m e r i c a l energy p e r capita, b u t the moral e f f i c i e n c y c a m e from the character of the p o l i c e , s y m b o l i z e d and actualized b y the u n i f o r m . ” T h e good moral p o w e r of the p o l i c e m a n of L o n d o n in p r e v e n t i n g c r i m e s lies in h i s c o a t . ” T h i s moral p o w e r operated b y placing concern a n d dread inside the h e a r t s of the ” c r i m i n a l l y – d i s p o s e d inhabitants . . . b y t h e i r w e l l – okay n o w n i n t e l l i g e n c e , train, u n f l i n c h – ing f i r m n e s s , a n d i n c o r r u p t i b l e honesty.”34 T h e i m p o r t a n t p o i n t to b e n o t i c e d h e r e is that the p r e v e n t i v e p o w e r of the police operated on p o t e n t i a l o f f e n d e r s t h r o u g h t h e s y m b o l i c m e d i u m of the u n i –

Police in metropolis America, 1860 — 1920

f o r m . P r e v e n t i o n , in G e r a r d ‘ s t h i n okay i n g , d e p e n d e d on c r e a t i n g a m o n g p o t e n t i a l o f f e n d e r s moral concern and c e r t a i n t y of a p p r e h e n s i o n and p u n i s h m e n t . A s all t h r e e affected i n d i v i d u a l s , h i s v e r y c o n c e p – tualization d e p e n d e d on h i s v i s i o n of p o t e n t i a l c r i m e p r o d u c e r s . O n c e t h e n o t i o n of p r e v e n t i n g c r i m e s h a d s u p p l a n t e d the n o t i o n of c a t c h i n g o f f e n d e r s , t h e focus of police a c t i o n s on a ” d a n g e r o u s c l a s s ” b e c a m e assured.

T h e n e b u l o u s considered p r e v e n t i n g authorized b e h a v i o r f o u n d t h e good m e a n s of i m p l e m e n t a t i o n inside the c o n c e p t of an i d e n t i f i a b l e , c r i m e – p r o d u c i n g ” d a n g e r o u s c l a s s ” ; for below b y f o c u s i n g on c r i m e p r o d u c e r s would possibly c r i m i n a l b e h a v i o r b e p r e v e n t e d , a n d the ” d a n – gerous c l a s s , ” b y d e f i n i t i o n , p r o d u c e d the authorized b e h a v i o r . T h u s , although it is e r r o n e o u s to s e e the n e w p o l i c e as initially created w i t h a p u r p o s e f u l class-control f u n c t i o n , class administration resulted from their efforts to p r e v e n t c r i m e , three 5 o n e of the m a j o r r e a s o n s for creating the n e w p o l i c e . T h e third c h a p t e r of this b o o okay e x a m i n e s positive as- pects of the class-control activités of the police in m o r e ingredient, b u t it m u s t b e e m p h a s i z e d that the target of sophistication administration adopted as an u n i n t e n d e d c o n s e q u e n c e of the n e w considered p r e v e n t i n g c r i m e .

T h e c h a n g i n g arrest p o w e r s of police c o m p a r e d to c i t i z e n s inside the m i d – n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y paralleled the n e w focus on p r e v e n t i o n . J e r o m e Hall h a s s h o w n that j u s t two years b e f o r e the r e o r g a n i z a t i o n and u n i f o r m i n g of the L o n d o n police b y Peel, the excellence b e – t w e e n citizen a n d police arrest p o w e r s that h e l d t h r o u g h the rest of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y in E n g l a n d a n d the U n i t e d States b e c a m e e s t a b l i s h e d . three 6 A l t h o u g h c i t i z e n s would possibly solely arrest an o f f e n d e r after a c r i m e h a d , in fact, b e e n c o m m i t t e d , the police would possibly m a okay e an ar- leisure if t h e y t h o u g h t a c r i m e h a d b e e n c o m m i t t e d . If t h e moral facet of the u n i f o r m did not s u c c e e d in placing f e a r a n d dread i n t o the c r i m i n a l h e a r t , the arrest p o w e r truly w o u l d .

T h e c o m p l e t e transition from the c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h system to the u n i f o r m e d p o l i c e took t w o d e c a d e s in B o s t o n , 1 eight three eight – 5 9 ; a decade in N e w York, 1 eight 4 three – 5 three ; a n d eleven y e a r s in C i n c i n n a t i , 1 eight 4 eight – 5 9 ; however fifteen y e a r s later in D e n v e r , in 1874, it h a p p e n e d practically o v e r – n i g h t . Clearly, the early police u n i f i c a t i o n s took q u i t e an prolonged t i m e , b u t the l e s s o n s l e a r n e d in each m a d e the s u b s e q u e n t u n i f i c a t i o n s in o t h e r cities go m o r e quickly.

Factional political struggles, b o t h w i t h i n cities a n d b e t w e e n cities a n d states, moreover deterred early u n i f i c a t i o n s , b e c a u s e all okay i n d s of p o – licing s y s t e m s r e p r e s e n t e d b o t h m e t h o d s of controlling votes a n d sources of p a t r o n a g e . P r o b a b l y the i r o n i c e p i t o m e of such struggles occurred in N e w York in 1857: T h e R e p u b l i c a n , n a t i v i s t – d o m i n a t e d

44 The historic development of the police 45

state legislature created the M e t r o p o l i t a n Police for N e w York Metropolis in an effort to understand political administration of city from t h e D e m o c r a t s , w h o s e M u n i c i p a l Police h a d h e l p e d to a s s u r e D e m o c r a t i c election victories w i t h i n city. T h e M u n i c i p a l P o l i c e , following the lead- e r s h i p of M a y o r W o o d , r e f u s e d to g i v e up t h e i r p o s t s , and an a r m e d battle happened b e t w e e n t h e two d e p a r t m e n t s w h e n the M e t r o p o l i – tan Police tried to arrest the m a y o r at metropolis hall. No o n e d i e d , and the battle lasted a lot much less t h a n a day due to the f o r t u i t o u s p r e s e n c e of t h e S e v e n t h R e g i m e n t , w h i c h j o i n e d t h e battle o n the s i d e of t h e Metro- politan Police. T h e battle b e t w e e n the t w o forces d i d n o t e n d t h e battle, and b o t h forces patrolled t h e metropolis in parallel f o r t w o m o n t h s until M a y o r W o o d d i s s o l v e d h i s p o l i c e following a State C o u r t of Appeals dedication in favor of the Metropolitan Police. three 7 The n e w Met- ropolitan Police, g o v e r n e d b y a nativist B o a r d of C o m m i s s i o n e r s a p p o i n t e d b y t h e g o v e r n o r , took t h e i r s u p p o r t from metropolis taxes levied b y the state, u n e x p e n d e d p o r t i o n s of w h i c h w e n t to the state trea- sury, a state of affairs r e m i n i s c e n t in s o m e w a y s of P e e l ‘ s Irish p o l i c e . T h e refined d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n the t w o s t e m m e d f r o m their politi- cal contexts – the Irish p o l i c e w e r e c o n s c i o u s l y d e s i g n e d to i n s u r e d o m i n a t i o n of t h e Irish b y t h e E n g l i s h , w h e r e a s t h e M e t r o p o l i t a n Police r e p r e s e n t e d a political faction w i t h i n city that u s e d state assist to g a i n administration from a n o t h e r political f a c t i o n .

A battle s i m i l a r to that in N e w York practically occurred inside the ” C i t y Hall W a r ” of D e n v e r in 1894. A g a i n the strife c o n c e r n e d political administration of the p o l i c e , b u t t h i s t i m e w i t h the additional e l e m e n t of reform: T h e R e p u b l i c a n B o a r d of C o m m i s s i o n e r s r e f u s e d to resign for t h e a n t i – g a m b l i n g p o p u l i s t b o a r d a p p o i n t e d b y the governor. A s t h e battle s h a p e d u p , t h e state militia s u p p o r t e d t h e g o v e r n o r w h i l e the p o l i c e , s h e r i f f ‘ s d e p u t i e s , a n d sturdy arm r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of D e n v e r v i c e b u s i n e s s e s b a r r i c a d e d t h e m s e l v e s in t h e metropolis hall – a r m e d w i t h d y n a m i t e a n d w h i s okay e y . T h o u g h the forces confronted each other, n o t h i n g h a p p e n e d b e c a u s e t h e g o v e r n o r s u d d e n l y often called t h e militia to Cripple C r e e okay to s u p p r e s s a strike. F o r a s h o r t p e r i o d after this, D e n v e r h a d t w o p o l i c e b o a r d s a n d three chiefs, b u t lastly, as in N e w York, the i n c u m b e n t s y i e l d e d to a courtroom docket o r d e r and t h e p o p u l i s t p o l i c e took o f f i c e . three eight After t h e choice of the battle, o n e of t h e n e w p o p u l i s t c o m m i s s i o n e r s c a n d i d l y e x p l a i n e d the provision of the battle: ” ‘All w e w a n t is a justifiable share of the p a t r o n a g e , and to keep up t h e d e p a r t m e n t in m e n w h o will do t h e i r obligation h o n e s t l y ‘ . ” three 9

Battle o v e r the n e w p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s , e x e m p l i f i e d b y the N e w York a n d D e n v e r p o l i c e b a t t l e s , occurred b e c a u s e the police w e r e o n e of t h e earliest u r b a n b u r e a u c r a c i e s to u n i f y c o m m u n i c a –

44 Police in metropolis America, 1860 — 1920

t i o n s a n d administration of t h e c i t y . 4 zero T h i s u n i q u e p o s i t i o n h e l p e d the po- lice p r o v i d e p a t r o n a g e , social administration, electoral administration, and v i c e administration. T h e latter g e n e r a t e d b r i b e s and security m o n e y . O n l y a p o r t i o n of this m o n e y stayed in t h e h a n d s of the p o l i c e , the r e m a i n – der g o i n g to political p a r t i e s that compelled regulation enforcement officers to c o n t r i b u t e to c a m p a i g n s . T h e s u p p o r t and administration of t h e police i n s u r e d d o m i – n a n c e of c o m p e t i n g political f a c t i o n s , w h e t h e r the challenges c a m e from reform efforts, state v e r s u s native administration, e t h n i c v e r s u s nativist administration, o r D e m o c r a t s v e r s u s R e p u b l i c a n s . T h u s , the m a j o r o b s t a – cles that actually d e l a y e d u n i f i c a t i o n w e r e n o t the i s s u e s of u n i – f o r m e d police v e r s u s typical p o l i c e , b u t conflicts over w h i c h es- t a b l i s h e d political elite w o u l d reap the b e n e f i t s . T h e N e w York battle in 1857 – w h i c h w r a p p e d up three models of i s s u e s : partisan politics, e t h n i c i t y , a n d the q u e s t i o n of w h i c h political faction gov- e r n e d city – p r o m p t e d N e w Yorker G e o r g e T e m p l e t o n Strong to w r i t e in h i s d i a r y that t h e i s s u e w a s merely over ‘ ” w h i c h h o r d e h a d the approved correct to b e s u p p o r t e d b y p u b l i c p l u n d e r ‘ . ” 4 1

T h e r e f o r e , in t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t s e n s e , the u n i f o r m e d police did n o t e m e r g e out of political battle, b u t comparatively the p r o c e s s of u n i f i c a – tion attracted current conflicts. T h e important ideological p r o b l e m s of social administration n e v e r truly surfaced after G e r a r d ‘ s p e r f u n c t o r y dis- c u s s i o n in N e w York. Inside the U . S . cities that p r o v i d e d the m o d e l s for the rest of the nation, the d e e p e s t i s s u e s , at b e s t , m e t p e r f u n c t o r y remedy from r e f o r m e r s like J a m e s Gerard. Gerard observed an practically mystical p o w e r in t h e u n i f o r m , m a okay i n g it an moral a g e n t , w h i c h af- fected the w e a r e r along with t h i e v e s and f e l o n s . D i s c u s s i n g the po- tential p o w e r of the u n i f o r m on p o l i c e officers, h e acknowledged:

The costume is respectable, and they also actually really feel respectable. . . . Their cos- tume is a sure guarantee that they could under no circumstances disgrace it; they know that they are acknowledged by it and, as a result of this truth, whereas they’re watching others, that they are watched themselves. They take glorious care, as a result of this truth, to not enter tipling retailers, or go to any areas or do any acts which is ready to disgrace their uniform.

T h u s G e r a r d ‘ s a r g u m e n t h a d a smart side to it along with a m y s t i – cal, moral side – in c a s e the police officer d i d n o t actually really feel the moral p o w e r of the u n i f o r m , it’ll m a okay e h i m stick out like a sore t h u m b , a n d t h e p r e s s u r e of p u b l i c c e n s u r e w o u l d stress h i m to b e – h a v e appropriately. Gerard argued as t h o u g h the moral p o w e r of h i s analysis alone w o u l d m a okay e t h e p o l i c e s e n s i t i v e to the u n i f o r m – ” T h e y ought to, and might b e p r o u d to w e a r i t . ” 4 2

W h e n articulated, a r g u m e n t s a g a i n s t the n e w police usually fo- c u s e d on t h e i r u n i f o r m s . T h e s e a r g u m e n t s h a d three e l e m e n t s : (1)

The historic development of the police 45

the h i g h costs of t h e n e w system c o m p a r e d to the f e e – b a s e d tradi- tional s y s t e m ; (2) t h e concern of a s t a n d i n g a r m y ; and (three) the A m e r i c a n lack of respect for u n i f o r m s , c o n s i d e r e d servantlike a n d u n d e m o – cratic. T h e concern of a s t a n d i n g a r m y s e e m s to h a v e b e e n the h e r i t a g e of p r e – R e v o l u t i o n ideology, for n o t until t h e Civil W a r did this ar- g u m e n t s u b s i d e a n d m o r e p o s i t i v e feelings a b o u t u n i f o r m s b e c o m e d o m i n a n t . 4 three F o r i n s t a n c e , t h e a r g u m e n t s a g a i n s t e s t a b l i s h i n g a u n i – f o r m e d police for W a s h i n g t o n , D . C . , took t w o f o r m s , the first at- tacking the u n n e c e s s a r y costs a n d the s e c o n d the q u a s i – m i l i t a r y nature of t h e p r o p o s e d stress. S e n a t o r A m b r o s e S e v i e r (Arkansas) often called the p o l i c e bill, ‘ ” n o t h i n g m o r e n o r decrease than a p r o p o s i t i o n to determine a bit of bit s t a n d i n g a r m y ‘ . ” 4 4 Nonetheless it s e e m s to h a v e b e e n Jack- s o n i a n e g a l i t a r i a n i s m concerning problems with costume that fueled the m o s t v e h e m e n t assaults on t h e u n i f o r m i n g of the p o l i c e . H i s t o r i a n s agree that t h e u n i f o r m s for the B o s t o n police e n c o u n t e r e d the least resistance of a n y p r e – C i v i l W a r d e p a r t m e n t , and e v e n there they attracted ridicule for m a okay i n g the police look like ‘ ” p o p i n j a y s ‘ . ” 4 5

In o t h e r cities, t h e u n i f o r m s created far m o r e a n t a g o n i s m and r e s i s t a n c e , significantly a m o n g regulation enforcement officers. In a protest m e e t i n g in entrance of the c h i e f ‘ s h o u s e in 1854, N e w York Metropolis p o l i c e officers claimed u n i f o r m s ‘ ” c o n f l i c t e d w i t h t h e i r n o t i o n s of i n d e p e n d e n c e and s e l f – r e s p e c t ‘ ” along with b e i n g ‘ ” e x p e n s i v e a n d f a n t a s t i c a l ‘ . ” Extra, ” ‘ t h i s infraction of t h e u s a g e of society in t h e m a t t e r of costume, w a s b u t the c o m m e n c e m e n t of the e s t a b l i s h m e n t inside the Metropolis of a s t a n d i n g A r m y ‘ . ” 4 6 In 1855, a C h i c a g o n e w s p a p e r editor, horri- fied on the i d e a of a u n i f o r m e d police stress, d o u b t e d that ‘ ” a n y m a n , c l a i m i n g the p r o u d title of A m e r i c a n f r e e m a n . . . will lay aside h i s o r d i n a r y costume as an A m e r i c a n citizen to strut a b o u t the streets of C h i c a g o d e c okay e d o u t in l i v e r y f u r n i s h e d at p u b l i c ex- p e n s e ‘ . ” 4 7 A n d in 1855 in P h i l a d e l p h i a , a c o u n c i l m a n often called t h e u n i – kind a ‘ ” b a d g e of s e r v i t u d e ‘ ” as fifteen regulation enforcement officers r e s i g n e d , refusing even to w e a r a h a t , w i t h o n e officer a n n o u n c i n g : ‘ ” I h e r e b y p r e s e n t m y r e s i g n a t i o n , as an A m e r i c a n citizen – n o t w i s h i n g to w e a r a n y t h i n g derogatory to m y f e e l i n g s as an A m e r i c a n . . , ‘ . ” 4 eight

P h i l a d e l p h i a ‘ s M a y o r C o n r a d apparently r e c o g n i z e d the officers’ resistance to this i n n o v a t i o n for w h a t it w a s , a c o m b i n a t i o n of tra- d i t i o n , p r i d e in d e m o c r a t i c n o n d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , concern of upper con- trol on the b e a t b y r a n okay i n g officers, a n d , p e r h a p s as m u c h as all others, straightforward inertia. As a result of this truth, in 1856, h e strategically started u n i f o r m i n g t h e police ” w i t h the h e a d , h o p i n g to w o r okay d o w n w i t h a lot much less o p p o s i t i o n , as t h e m e n b e c a m e a c c u s t o m e d to t h e i d e a . ” W i t h this clever a p p r o a c h , the r e s i s t a n c e nonetheless took four y e a r s to stamp

Police in metropolis America, 1860 — 1920

o u t , a n d even at this p o i n t officers resisted the last word c o m p l e t i o n of u n i f o r m i n g . S o m e p o l i c e officers, ” w h o w e r e n o t p r o u d of t h e i r n e w c l o t h e s , ” a p p e a r e d b e f o r e patrol obligation on the station h o u s e in u n i f o r m , t h e n w e n t h o m e , c h a n g e d , a n d p a t r o l l e d in c i v i l i a n clothes, c h a n g i n g b a c okay i n t o u n i f o r m b e f o r e r e p o r t i n g to the station h o u s e on the e n d s of t h e i r s h i f t s . 4 9 T h i s i n c i d e n t illustrates h o w u n i – f o r m s would possibly sort out such i m p o r t a n c e , b o t h from t h e p o i n t of v i e w of the p u b l i c along with from the p o l i c e p e r s p e c t i v e . U n i f o r m s w e r e w h a t p e o p l e actually s a w in t h e i r on daily basis b u s i n e s s o n the streets or w i t h t h e police; a n d , f o r the officers, the e n f o r c e m e n t of p e r s o n a l look d e s t r o y e d t h e s e n s e of a u t o n o m y i n h e r e n t of their situ- ation – w o r okay i n g a w a y from c o – w o r okay e r s and b o s s e s for m o s t of t h e t i m e on obligation.

In sharp distinction to t h e s e p r e – C i v i l W a r d e p a r t m e n t s , the n e w l y o r g a n i z e d p o s t w a r D e n v e r police d e p a r t m e n t a n n o u n c e d the arrival of its n e w u n i f o r m s , in 1873, w i t h good civic p r i d e . T h e s e u n i – f o r m s , fastidiously m o d e l e d on the u n i f o r m s of the N e w York Metropolis police b u t m a d e in D e n v e r , elicited a p p r o v i n g , if s e m i – h u m o r o u s , c o m m e n t in t h e n e w p a p e r . ‘ ” T h e u n i f o r m is d u r a b l e and h a n d – s o m e , a n d w i t h the belts [imported from N e w York] a n d shields will m a okay e a p o l i c e m a n look a b o u t along with an editor or m i n i s t e r ‘ . ” D u r i n g a police reform in 1895, the D e n v e r c h i e f h i r e d a tailor to p u t p e r m a n e n t creases inside the u n i f o r m s , a protection i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of t h e moral h o p e J a m e s Gerard h a d f o u n d in u n i f o r m s forty y e a r s earlier in N e w Y o r okay . 5 zero

Although it is m o s t i m p o r t a n t to u n d e r s t a n d the s y m b o l i c and political m e a n i n g of the c h a n g e from the c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h system to the n e w u n i f o r m e d p o l i c e , w e m u s t moreover look, not lower than briefly, on the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c h a n g e s involved. For t h i s p u r p o s e , Boston pro- v i d e s an excellent e x a m p l e , as a result of the transition there took so prolonged to ac- c o m p l i s h , c o m p a r e d to t h o s e of o t h e r cities, that each c h a n g e stands out clearly inside the gradual u n i f i c a t i o n of the p o l i c e . 5 1 A s i m p l i f i e d narrative seems to be like like this: In 1822, B o s t o n b e c a m e i n c o r p o r a t e d as a metropolis, m a i n t a i n i n g the c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h system it had h a d for practically 200 years; in 1837, in a d d i t i o n to t h e typical s y s t e m , separate day a n d n i g h t police forces w e r e created; in 1854, t h e watch w a s a b o l i s h e d ; a n d b y 1859 the council u n i f i e d the w h o l e s y s t e m u n d e r o n e c h i e f , p u t t i n g the m e n in u n i f o r m s . In a s e n s e , t h e n e w s y s t e m slowly g r e w a n d o v e r s h a d o w e d the outdated s y s t e m , city c o n s c i o u s l y c o p y i n g the L o n d o n p o l i c e , however m a i n t a i n i n g the usual consta- ble a n d w a t c h .

44 The historic development of the police 45

At t h e t i m e of city’s i n c o r p o r a t i o n i n 1822, c o n s t a b l e s h a d r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r b o t h c i v i l a n d c r i m i n a l m a t t e r s ; t h e i r i n c o m e obtained right here from f e e s for a t t e n d i n g courtroom docket a n d serving p a p e r s . A l t h o u g h in idea p a r t – t i m e j o b s p e r f o r m e d b y c i t i z e n s , genuinely b y this time the p o s i t i o n s h a d b e c o m e full t i m e a n d the c o n s t a b l e s h a d a c h i e v e d j o b stability and a n n u a l r e a p p o i n t m e n t . T h e w a t c h , a re- s p o n s i b i l i t y that in t h e o r y fell u p o n all m a l e s over e i g h t e e n , h a d in fact developed i n t o a p a r t – t i m e j o b p a y i n g fifty cents a n i g h t . Each w a t c h m a n patrolled city looking out for fires and d i s t u r b a n c e s , re- p o r t i n g once more to o n e of four w a t c h stations hourly. Each m a n carried a loud w o o d e n rattle that h e would possibly u s e to call for h e l p or, primarily based on critics, w a r n felons of h i s a p p r o a c h in o r d e r to a v o i d hassle. Each w a t c h h o u s e h a d a c o n s t a b l e , a n d a c a p t a i n , w h o s e j o b w a s moreover c o n s i d e r e d p a r t – t i m e , h e a d e d u p the w a t c h . T h e captain moreover took price of l i g h t i n g l a m p s , even inside the early n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y a traditional m e a n s of c r i m e administration. T h e w a t c h patrolled from 10:00 P.M. u n t i l s u n u p , leaving an unpatrolled p e r i o d in t h e early m o r n – ing. T h i s s y s t e m r e m a i n e d practically u n c h a n g e d until city abol- i s h e d it in 1854; h o w e v e r , inside the y e a r b e f o r e its a b o l i s h m e n t , city ordered w i t n e s s f e e s , w h i c h t h e watch h a d e a r n e d for a t t e n d i n g courtroom docket inside the day, d i v e r t e d i n t o city treasury a n d a c o m m e r c i a l enterprise contracted for the streetlighting j o b .

S h o r t l y after metropolis i n c o r p o r a t i o n in 1822, t h e metropolis c o u n c i l created the p o s i t i o n of metropolis m a r s h a l . T h e m a r s h a l , in affect t h e h e a d consta- ble, took price of all that ” ‘impacts the effectively being, security, and luxurious of city.’ ” 5 2 T h e s e broad duties constituted a traditional part of the p o l i c e p o w e r of t h e metropolis, usually given to t h e c o n s t a b u – lary. T h e Acts of Incorporation for t h e metropolis of W a s h i n g t o n , D . C . , for instance, gave city power to ” ‘forestall and take away nuisances; to p r e v e n t the i n t r o d u c t i o n of c o n t a g i o u s d i s e a s e s w i t h i n city; and to e s t a b l i s h n i g h t w a t c h e s , or p a t r o l e s ‘ . ” 5 three T h e solely c h a n g e inside the p o w e r of the B o s t o n m a r s h a l c a m e in 1837, w h e n t h e metropolis created a separate d e p a r t m e n t of s e w e r s , run b y a f o r m e r d e p u t y m a r s h a l .

U n t i l 1838, t h e metropolis police c o n s i s t e d of the n i g h t w a t c h , w i t h its o w n four watch h o u s e s , a n d a day c o n s t a b u l a r y a n d m a r s h a l , b o t h centrally b a s e d . In 1838, a 12 months after a v o l u n t e e r fireside d e p a r t m e n t and funeral p r o c e s s i o n riot h a d compelled t h e i n t e r v e n t i o n of the m i l i t i a , the council e s t a b l i s h e d a singular p o l i c e s y s t e m : Six p o l i c e officers, w i t h all b u t the civil p o w e r s of c o n s t a b l e s , had been a s s i g n e d to t h e m a r s h a l . T h e s e six r e c e i v e d frequent salaries comparatively t h a n fees a n d t o o okay d a y p o l i c e d u t i e s , b u t t h e c o n s t a b l e s r e m a i n e d . W i t h i n

Police in metropolis America, 1860 — 1920

m o n t h s , the council created a small separate n i g h t police. By 1851, the police h a d g r o w n – f o r t y – f o u r inside the day a n d t w e n t y – t w o at n i g h t , with a small d e t e c t i v e d i v i s i o n . W i t h the creation of the de- tective d i v i s i o n , the p r o s e c u t i o n of vice i n c r e a s e d , and b o t h the detectives a n d n i g h t police b e g a n to develop the m o d e r n relation- ship of police to v i c e and illegal b u s i n e s s – a s y s t e m of p a i d in- f o r m e r s , the administration of vice t h r o u g h defending payoffs to the p o l i c e , and p o l i c e (significantly the n i g h t police) i n v o l v e m e n t in b u r g l a r i e s . 5 4 T h e late 1840s h a d moreover s e e n the official b u d g e t a r y r e c o g n i t i o n of the police welfare firms to the destitute and sick – m o n i e s significantly allotted to meals a n d m e d i c a l care. C o n c o m i t a n t w i t h t h e s e develop- m e n t s , Boston acquired its first p o p u l a r police officer, Marshal Tukey, w h o s e antics, as r e p o r t e d inside the n e w s p a p e r , characterised p o p u l a r regulation enforcement officers t h r o u g h o u t t h e n i n e t e e n t h century. M e d i a – p o p u l a r – ized officers like T u okay e y m a n i p u l a t e d the detectives to control v i c e and c r i m e inside the metropolis, p r o d u c i n g spectacular arrests and vice raids as okay i n d s of m e d i a e v e n t s . T h u s t h e y p u b l i c l y portrayed t h e m s e l v e s as a result of the i n d i v i d u a l b u l w a r okay s a g a i n s t the u n d e r w o r l d , w i t h w h i c h they w e r e in fact in illegal collusion.

W h e n the mayoral c a n d i d a t e b a c okay e d b y T u okay e y ‘ s p o l i c e misplaced, a re- kind p r o c e s s b e g a n . T u okay e y misplaced the next election, a n d city abol- i s h e d the corrupt n i g h t p o l i c e in 1851, w h i l e c o n t i n u i n g t h e w a t c h . T h e effectively being authority m o v e d from the m a r s h a l ‘ s office to a n e w l y created s u p e r i n t e n d e n t of effectively being in 1853, a n d in 1854 the council c r e a t e d t h e ” W a t c h a n d P o l i c e D e p a r t m e n t , ” w i t h t h e f o r m e r w a t c h m e n g i v e n a wage of t w o a n i g h t a n d t h e arrest p o w e r s of regulation enforcement officers. T h e p o l i c e , w h i c h c o n t i n u e d to operate inside the day, w e r e d i v i d e d i n t o e i g h t d i v i s i o n s to c o r r e s p o n d w i t h the w a t c h ; b o t h s y s t e m s w e r e given a p a r a – m i l i t a r y c o m m a n d building of captains and l i e u t e n a n t s (the l i e u t e n a n t s , a m o n g o t h e r t h i n g s , patrolling b e a t s as ” r o u n d s m e n ” to e n s u r e that the police saved pa- trolling), and all t i m e gaps in patrol p e r i o d s that h a d existed w e r e e l i m i n a t e d . T h e p o s i t i o n of c o n s t a b l e , w h i c h h a d b e e n t u r n e d i n t o a civil courtroom docket p o s i t i o n w h e n the day and n i g h t police h a d b e e n cre- ated, d i s a p p e a r e d . In 1856, city b r o u g h t the ” s p e c i a l p o l i c e , ” nonetheless n o t q u i t e u n i f i e d , u n d e r its administration. A l t h o u g h privately p a i d b y m e r c h a n t s , the actual p o l i c e , w h o h a d h a d the frequent p o w e r s of various police s i n c e 1838, w e r e r e q u i r e d to report again to the captains. In 1857, the n e w p o s i t i o n of sergeant a s s u m e d the r o u n d s m a n d u t i e s of the l i e u t e n a n t , a n d lastly, in 1859, the police b e g a n to placed on u n i – f o r m s . T h u s e n d e d t w o a very long time of c h a n g e a w a y f r o m civil police

44 The historic development of the police 45

and t o w a r d a m i l i t a r y m o d e l . T h e targets of a p r e v e n t i v e p o l i c e system spelled out t w e n t y – t w o years earlier b y M a y o r Elliott – ” ‘to i m i t a t e , as far as m a y b e , the s y s t e m of L o n d o n ‘ ” – h a d b e e n a c h i e v e d . 5 5

The unfold of uniformed police forces all through america

Although not fully i m i t a t e d in every metropolis, the s e q u e n c e of the c h a n g e s inside the B o s t o n police d e p a r t m e n t s s u m s u p the variety of duties and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l f o r m s which may occur inside the transitional p e r i o d b e t w e e n the c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h s y s t e m and the u n i f o r m e d police. Of c o u r s e , if o n e e x a m i n e d o n l y B o s t o n or N e w York or Phil- a d e l p h i a , o n e m i g h t c o n c l u d e that the last word kind the p o l i c e took r e p r e s e n t e d a u n i q u e outcomes of particular e v o l u t i o n a r y forces. Nevertheless this w o u l d distort a p r o c e s s of c o n s c i o u s c o m m u n i c a t i o n and that i m i t a – tion, for genuinely each metropolis l o o okay e d fastidiously at its n e i g h b o r s , or L o n d o n , and o n e c a n n o t help b u t b e struck b y the c o n s t a n t intercity c o m p a r i s o n s of d e p a r t m e n t s p p e a r in police tales. F o r ex- ample, in 1850, a c o m m i t t e e in B o s t o n , c o r r e s p o n d i n g w i t h the L o n d o n p o l i c e , requested for i n f o r m a t i o n that L o n d o n h a d j u s t not too way back despatched to N e w Y o r okay . 5 6

A l t h o u g h it w o u l d b e repetitive a n d t e d i o u s to s u m m a r i z e the d e v e l o p m e n t of the u n i f i e d p o l i c e in m a n y cities, the courting of the e m e r g e n c e of the m a n y u n i f o r m e d police d e p a r t m e n t s all through the U n i t e d States h a s important i m p o r t a n c e . 5 7 T h a t i s , did s u b s e q u e n t po- licing i n n o v a t i o n s c o m e from a s i n g l e , c o n s t a n t s o u r c e ? 5 eight O r d i d each metropolis h a v e to go t h r o u g h a d e v e l o p m e n t a l catastrophe, r e a c h i n g a crit- ical m a s s of s o m e kind, sooner than it w a s c o m p e l l e d to adjust to the lead of larger p l a c e s ? W e r e t h e r e r e g i o n a l lags or a d v a n c e s , as R i c h a r d W a d e has c l a i m e d ? 5 9 D i d industrial cities w i t h h e a v y i m m i g r a n t p o p u l a t i o n s a n d a n e e d for manufacturing unit d i s c i p l i n e use u n i f o r m e d police b e f o r e cities w i t h m o r e h o m o g e n e o u s p o p u l a t i o n s ? O r w a s there a s i m p l e r a n d o m p r o c e s s at w o r okay , u n i f o r m s s p r e a d i n g like cholera or m e a s l e s from metropolis to metropolis – a ” c o n t a g i o u s ” d i f f u s i o n ? 6 zero

S o m e of t h e s e q u e s t i o n s are p r e s u p p o s e d b y the three explana- t i o n s f o r t h e c r e a t i o n of t h e p o l i c e t h a t h a v e b e e n p r e v i o u s l y superior b y police h i s t o r y college students a n d c r i m i n o l o g i s t s . It is i m p o r – tant to e x a m i n e each of t h e s e three e x p l a n a t i o n s fastidiously, for each e m p h a s i z e s o n e of the m a n y v a r i a b l e s that w e affiliate w i t h n i n e – t e e n t h – c e n t u r y u r b a n g r o w t h , and c o m m i t s a okay i n d of ecological fal- lacy. 6 1 T h e s e moreover t e n d to b e ahistorical e x p l a n a t i o n s , w h i c h assert

50 Police in metropolis America, 1860 — 1920

that t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s of the creation of the police w e r e t h e s a m e because the distinctive i n t e n t i o n s a n d r e a s o n s . Such p o s t h o c r e a s o n i n g con- fuses the analysis of the n i n e t e e n t h – c e n t u r y p o l i c e .

T h e first e x p l a n a t i o n claims that c r i m e – or, in s o m e of the m o r e s o p h i s t i c a t e d a n a l y s e s , the p e r c e p t i o n of c r i m e – r o s e to such an u n p r e c e d e n t e d extent that t h e typical c o n s t a b l e and watch w e r e i n c a p a b l e of controlling it to the satisfaction of the p u b l i c . T h i s ex- planation h a s numerous p r o b l e m s , n o t the least of w h i c h is an i m p l i c i t a r g u m e n t a p p e a l i n g to a ” n a t u r a l ” s e q u e n c e of causal e v e n t s . T h a t is, w h e n c r i m e reaches a positive diploma, the ” n a t u r a l ” social r e s p o n s e is to create a u n i f o r m e d p o l i c e stress. T h i s , in truth, is n o t an expla- n a t i o n b u t an a s s e r t i o n of a pure laws for w h i c h there could also be little evi- d e n c e . 6 2 C e r t a i n l y the c o n t r o v e r s i e s c c o m p a n i e d the earlier u n i f o r m e d p o l i c e s y s t e m s s u g g e s t that c o n t e m p o r a r i e s w e r e u n – acutely aware that u n i f o r m e d p o l i c e w e r e a part of n a t u r e ‘ s p l a n . If a n y – t h i n g , the W e s t e r n m e a n s of dealing w i t h c r i m e w a v e s in p r e v i o u s centuries h a d always t u r n e d to c h a n g e s in p e n a l protection, n o t arrest t e c h n i q u e s . 6 three

E v e n if w e accept, for the sake of a r g u m e n t , the logical n e c e s s i t y of u n i f o r m e d police arriving inside the w a okay e of r i s i n g c r i m e , f u r t h e r p r o b l e m s come up. T h e r e is t h e e m p i r i c a l n e c e s s i t y of d e m o n s t r a t i n g that c r i m e , in fact, rose p r i o r to a p o l i c e i n n o v a t i o n . A n d the precise truth of rising crime m u s t r e m a i n an a s s e r t i o n , for if the r i s i n g c r i m e cost w a s m e a s u r a b l e b y h i s t o r i a n s , it w o u l d h a v e to h a v e b e e n t h r o u g h knowledge g e n e r a t e d b y the arrest p r o c e s s ; b u t if the r i s i n g c r i m e h a d b e e n m e t w i t h r i s i n g a r r e s t s , t h e n t h e r e would possibly h a v e b e e n little unsuitable w i t h the c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h s y s t e m . A barely m o r e sophisticated account m i g h t declare that w h i l e rising crime did i n d e e d m e e t w i t h arrests, u n i f o r m e d police w e r e created to p r e v e n t c r i m e from rising even further, r a t h e r t h a n a p p r e h e n d i n g criminals after the o f f e n s e . A l t h o u g h an i n t e r e s t i n g completely different, this e x p l a n a t i o n n e e d s m o r e empirical v e r i f i c a t i o n , for it r e q u i r e s a m e a s u r a b l e c r i m e wave pre- ceding the creation of the v a r i o u s u r b a n p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s .

If, on the o t h e r h a n d , t h e h i s t o r i a n claims that the p e r c e p t i o n of rising crime, n o t n e c e s s a r i l y the exact cost of o f f e n s e s , w a s the op- erative causal e l e m e n t , w e as soon as extra h a v e the e m p i r i c a l p r o b l e m of f i n d i n g s o m e i n d i c a t o r of t h e s e rising p e r c e p t i o n s : H o w do w e okay n o w w h o h e l d t h e s e p e r c e p t i o n s , h o w strongly w e r e t h e y h e l d , and w h y did t h e y c h a n g e ? M o r e to t h e p o i n t , w h a t m a d e t h e s e per- c e p t i o n s m o r e e f f i c a c i o u s t h a n p r e v i o u s p e r c e p t i o n s of r i s i n g crime? W h y , exactly, s h o u l d s o m e p e r c e p t i o n s of r i s i n g c r i m e a n d

44 The historic development of the police 45

not o t h e r s consequence within the creation of the u n i f o r m e d police? W h y n o t to a s t a n d i n g a r m y , an i n t e n s i f i e d c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h s y s t e m , or additional e x e c u t i o n s a n d d e p o r t a t i o n s i n s t e a d of a n e w d e p a r t u r e that, ac- cording to its o p p o n e n t s , violated t h e b a s i s of A n g l o – A m e r i c a n lib- e r t y ? 6 4

Allan Silver i m p l i e s a s e c o n d clarification for the creation of t h e u n i f o r m e d p o l i c e . 6 5 H e p o i n t s out that civil d i s o r d e r a n d riots h a d b e e n g r u d g i n g l y tolerated b y u r b a n dwellers p r i o r to the n i n e t e e n t h century; this tolerance w a s modified b y d e m a n d s for social administration w h e n the targets of riots c h a n g e d from s y m b o l i c o n e s to property. T h e creation of a p a r a – m i l i t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n that m a d e its p r e s e n c e c o n t i n u o u s a n d v i s i b l e t h r o u g h o u t society resulted from the i n – creased d e m a n d s of p r o p e r t y o w n e r s for m o r e rigidly p r e s e r v e d ur- b a n order. In a s e n s e , disorderly u r b a n dwellers h a d violated the informal c o n v e n t i o n s of riotous b e h a v i o r a n d b y so d o i n g p r o v o okay e d the creation of a far m o r e formally managed society. S i l v e r ‘ s i n g e n – ious a n d a p p e a l i n g analysis stands or falls on e m p i r i c a l e v i d e n c e , of w h i c h p r e c i o u s little exists. N o d o u b t m o r e i n c i d e n t s will c o m e to mild, b u t I h a v e f o u n d riots m e n t i o n e d as a clear p r e c i p i t a t i n g ele- m e n t inside the creation of u n i f o r m e d police in solely four to six situations out of the f i f t y – s e v e n e x a m i n e d for this b o o okay – P h i l a d e l p h i a , Balti- m o r e , W a s h i n g t o n , a n d , p e r h a p s , I n d i a n a p o l i s , B o s t o n a n d D e – troit. T h e q u e s t i o n of w h e t h e r t h e s e riots h a d p r o p e r t y t a r g e t s comparatively than s y m b o l i c targets I h a v e left u n e x p l o r e d , for it s e e m s clear that although t h e riot e x p l a n a t i o n for the creation of the p o l i c e is m o r e satisfactory on a logical diploma than t h e crime e x p l a n a t i o n , it too lacks c o n c l u s i v e e v i d e n c e .

A third e x p l a n a t i o n for the creation of t h e u n i f o r m e d police ar- gues that t h e y w e r e n o t created in r e s p o n s e to d i s o r d e r of t h e variety cited b y Silver, b u t b e c a u s e of elite fears of t h e rising p r o p o r t i o n s of p o o r i m m i g r a n t s in c i t i e s . 6 6 T h e growth inside the n u m b e r of i m m i – grants, m a i n t a i n s Allan Levett, a c c o m p a n i e d a d e c r e a s e inside the abil- ity of u r b a n elites to control the social order of the cities informally, and t h e y r e s p o n d e d b y creating t h e police to control t h e ” d a n g e r o u s c l a s s . ” ” T h e p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s , ” h e claims, ” w e r e n o t created to reduce c r i m e or administration i n c r e a s i n g riots. . . . T h e y w e r e e s t a b l i s h e d to control strangers a n d the p o o r inside the m a i n . ” 6 7 L e v e t t ‘ s a r g u m e n t , although it h a s m u c h to r e c o m m e n d it, is flawed in its p o s t h o c assertion that w h a t t h e n e w p o l i c e d i d mirrored the r e a s o n s for his or her creation, a p r o b l e m in causal analysis to w h i c h h i s t o r i a n s are p a r – ticularly delicate. T h e r e is good proof to help Levett’s as-

52 Police in metropolis America, 1860 — 1920

sertion that the u n i f o r m e d police h a d a class-control f u n c t i o n . B u t h e p r o d u c e s little e v i d e n c e to s h o w that this w a s the distinctive i n t e n t b e h i n d the creation of the police.

All three of t h e s e a c c o u n t s of the u n i f o r m e d police f o u n d e r on the s u p p o s i t i o n that b e c a u s e t h e p o l i c e , as quickly as e s t a b l i s h e d , p e r f o r m e d positive actions, t h e s e actions r e p r e s e n t e d the c o n d i t i o n s that gave rise to t h e i r creation. It is equally p l a u s i b l e to argue that t h e police had been created b e c a u s e of t h e i n c r e a s e in misplaced kids, o p e n s e w e r s , or tramps n e e d i n g o v e r n i g h t l o d g i n g .

M u c h of the c o n f u s i o n a n d d i s a g r e e m e n t over the i n t r o d u c t i o n and unfold of the u n i f o r m e d police h a s c o m e from a narrowly local- istic a p p r o a c h , w h i c h w h e n g e n e r a l i z e d m o v e s a b r u p t l y from spe- cific locale to grand t h e o r y – as an illustration, from Buffalo to a Marxist or D u r okay h e i m i a n m o d e l of s o c i e t y . 6 eight A far m o r e useful w a y to s e e okay to u n d e r s t a n d d r a m a t i c c h a n g e s in t h e p o l i c e is to r e c o n c e i v e t h e p r o c e s s as o n e of i n n o v a t i o n and the s u b s e q u e n t d i f f u s i o n of that i n n o v a t i o n . On this w a y , w e obtain analytic devices to e x a m i n e each p a r t of t h e course of discretely a n d , of e q u a l i m p o r t a n c e , can e m p l o y a t e c h n i q u e of examine that h a s an enormous and w e l l – e s t a b l i s h e d literature inside the social s c i e n c e s , courting not lower than from G a b r i e l T a r d e ‘ s Authorized tips of Imitation in 1 9 zero three . 6 9

Sociologist Everett M . Rogers h a s b r o okay e n the p r o c e s s of i n n o v a – tion a n d diffusion d o w n i n t o four ” c r u c i a l e l e m e n t s ” : (1) the exact i n n o v a t i o n , (2) the c o m m u n i c a t i o n of the i n n o v a t i o n , (three) the n a t u r e of the social system w i t h i n w h i c h the c o m m u n i c a t i o n occurs, a n d (4) t h e t i m e that the d i f f u s i o n t a okay e s . 7 zero M o s t analyses of i n n o v a t i o n in p o l i c i n g focus h a r d l y the least bit on the i n n o v a t i o n s , c o n c e n t r a t e h e a v – ily on the social s y s t e m , a n d practically i g n o r e b o t h the c o m m u n i c a – tion p r o c e s s e s a n d t i m e lags i n v o l v e d . All too usually, t h e i n n o v a t i o n h a s b e e n e x a m i n e d as t h o u g h the exact c o n s e q u e n c e s w e r e the i n – tended c o n s e q u e n c e s , a n d as t h o u g h the i n t e n d e d c o n s e q u e n c e s can b e readily i n f e r r e d f r o m the n a t u r e of t h e social s y s t e m . Every the n o t i o n that the c a p i t a l i s t – i n d u s t r i a l i s t state n e e d e d to create an a g e n c y to c o n t r o l t h e w o r okay i n g class a n d t h e n o t i o n that u r b a n growth created a r i s i n g c r i m e cost that compelled a d e f e n s e response inside the creation of t h e police e x e m p l i f y t h i s okay i n d of c o n f u s e d t h i n okay i n g .

Let u s accept for the m o m e n t that b o t h the r e a s o n s for and the i n n o v a t i v e n a t u r e of the u n i f o r m e d police c a m e f r o m the t w o d e – sires of metropolis elites to p r e v e n t c r i m e and administration the police and m o v e to the second a n d fourth parts of the p r o c e s s , the d i f f u s i o n o v e r t i m e . W e will return to the n a t u r e of the social system or metropolis s y s t e m by means of w h i c h the i n n o v a t i o n delicate as quickly as w e h a v e e x a m i n e d t h e

44 The historic development of the police 45

d i f f u s i o n t h r o u g h t i m e . Lastly, w h e n the p r o c e s s h a s b e e n exam- i n e d , the r e a s o n s for u n i f o r m i n g t h e police will b e c o m e clearer.

D e t e r m i n i n g the dates of u n i f i c a t i o n and f o r m a l i z a t i o n of police d e p a r t m e n t s entails numerous wise a n d conceptual p r o b l e m s . For t h e s o u r c e s h e r e I h a v e d e p e n d e d b o t h on s e c o n d a r y provides – native h i s t o r i e s , u r b a n b i o g r a p h i e s , a n d , w h e r e v e r p o s s i b l e , police h i s t o r i e s – a n d on n e w s p a p e r s and metropolis knowledge. A l t h o u g h each de- p a r t m e n t adopted a b a s i c p a t t e r n of c h a n g e , there w e r e native varia- tions e n o u g h to m a okay e date a s s i g n m e n t robust. S o m e d e p a r t m e n t s , like B o s t o n ‘ s , m o v e d from a day c o n s t a b u l a r y that w a s not lower than n o m – inally r e s p o n s i b l e to the c o u r t s , a n d a n i g h t w a t c h r e s p o n s i b l e to the c o n s t a b l e s , to separate day a n d n i g h t police forces, a n d lastly to a u n i f i e d day and night time time police stress – the w h o l e p r o c e s s taking a decade or so. O t h e r d e p a r t m e n t s m o v e d immediately from a c o n s t a b l e – watch s y s t e m to a u n i f i e d a n d u n i f o r m e d p o l i c e stress r e s p o n s i b l e to the m a y o r . 7 1 To p r o v i d e c o n s i s t e n c y in a s s i g n i n g d a t e s , I h a v e taken the date of the a d o p t i o n of u n i f o r m s , w h e n e v e r p o s s i b l e , as a result of the start p o i n t of the n e w okay i n d of p o l i c i n g .

T h e uniform concretely symbolizes the modified system of social administration r e p r e s e n t e d b y the n e w p o l i c e , asserting p u b l i c l y and u n e – quivocally the excellence b e t w e e n the outdated a n d the n e w . It is n o t gorgeous that b o t h regulation enforcement officers and the p u b l i c s o m e t i m e s re- sisted a n d m o c okay e d the first u n i f o r m s , for t h e y d e p e r s o n a l i z e d the wearer, m a d e o b v i o u s the p a r a – m i l i t a r y n a t u r e of t h e n e w s y s t e m and, as Allan Silver o b s e r v e s , v i s i b l y d e m o n s t r a t e d the ” c o n t i n u a l p r e s e n c e of central political a u t h o r i t y t h r o u g h o u t on daily basis l i f e . ” 7 2 U n i – f o r m s r e m a i n i m p o r t a n t within the current day, b o t h to the p o l i c e a n d the p u b l i c . A modern analysis of a state p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t claimed that ” p r o b a b l y n o single s y m b o l was of upper i m p o r t a n c e to the operate of policeman than the u n i f o r m . ” T h e s t u d y q u o t e d a corporal w h o s e t h o u g h t s e c h o e d t h o s e of J a m e s G e r a r d ‘ s over a c e n t u r y earlier: ” ‘ T h e r e is s o m e t h i n g a b o u t a uniform that makes a m a n completely completely different.’ ” 7 three W h e t h e r the p r e s e n c e of a u n i f o r m e d officer p r o v o okay e s p u b l i c reactions of concern, h a t r e d , nervousness, discount, or security is n o t an vital matter; w h a t counts is that the u n i f o r m is a s t a t e m e n t of p o w e r . A n d w h e n inside the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y a metropolis took the step of u n i f o r m i n g its p o l i c e , it c l e a r l y s t a t e d i t s p o w e r t o c o n t r o l i t s i n h a b i t a n t s . T h u s t h e corporal’s o b s e r v a t i o n that the u n i f o r m m a okay e s a distinction is w i s e , for the c o n t e n t of the excellence can vary, b u t the flexibleness of the u n i – kind to m a okay e that d i f f e r e n c e is its i m p o r t a n c e .

T a okay i n g the 100 largest A m e r i c a n cities in 1880 as m y preliminary purpose g r o u p , I f o u n d p r e c i s e data on 57 ( s e e A p p e n d i x A). T h e m o d e l b e s t

54 Police in metropolis America, 1860 — 1920

d e s c r i b i n g t h e d i f f u s i o n of t h e i n n o v a t i o n of u n i f o r m e d p o l i c e by means of the 57 cities over a h a l f – c e n t u r y p e r i o d is usually referred to as o n e of contagious diffusion, to b e contrasted with a m o d e l of con- stant provide diffusion.74 T h e latter m o d e l p r e s u m e s the d i f f u s i o n of an i n n o v a t i o n from o n e safe s o u r c e , w h e r e a s the f o r m e r d e s c r i b e s a p r o c e s s w h e r e b y each n e w a d o p t e r of the i n n o v a t i o n b e c o m e s a provide for f u r t h e r d i f f u s i o n . T h e S – s h a p e d graph of c o n t a g i o u s dif- f u s i o n , displayed in F i g u r e 1, s h o w s the c u m u l a t i v e n u m b e r of cities u n i f o r m i n g t h e i r police forces over t i m e . 7 5 W h e n regressed in the direction of a c o n t a g i o u s d i f f u s i o n m o d e l , a startling 9 9 % of the a d o p – tions can b e a c c o u n t e d for, w h e r e a s only one three % can b e fitted a g a i n s t a c o n s t a n t provide m o d e l . T h u s the graph reveals the s p e e d of t h e i n n o v a t i o n p r o c e s s – the sluggish, scattered a d o p t i o n at first; a q u i c okay acceleration o v e r a t w o – d e c a d e p e r i o d ; a n d then a trailing off as straggling cities or t h o s e that h a d grown from n o t h i n g d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d (like D e n v e r ) create t h e i r police d e p a r t m e n t s .

A l t h o u g h F i g u r e 1 a n d t h e r e g r e s s i o n b e l o w it d e m o n s t r a t e clearly that the s p e e d of the d i f f u s i o n of u n i f o r m e d police forces all through the U n i t e d States c o n f o r m e d to a s i m p l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s

Number of adoptions 60 p

55 –

5 zero –

4 zero –

three zero –

2 zero –

1 zero –

1850 1860 1870 1880 1890

Decide 1. Cumulative n u m b e r of cities adopting uniformed police, 1 eight 5 zero – 1900. (Contagion model, R2 = .997. Straight line model, R2 = .850.) Provide: Info compiled from histories of specific individual cities. S e e Appendix A for com- plete citations.

44 The historic development of the police 45

p r o c e s s , this does n o t inform u s w h y s o m e c i t i e s m a d e the i n n o v a t i o n w h i l e o t h e r s resisted it – t h e s p e c i f i c order of a d o p t i o n r e m a i n s to b e e x p l a i n e d . In o t h e r w o r d s , the shut match of the actual p o l i c e u n i – kind dates to the c o n t a g i o u s d i f f u s i o n m o d e l tells o n l y that w e are e x a m i n i n g a c o m m u n i c a t i o n p r o c e s s that adopted a p r e d i c t a b l e pattern – a p r o c e s s that n e e d not h a v e i n v o l v e d m o r e t h a n r a n d o m c o m m u n i c a t i o n s a m o n g p a i r s of potential a d o p t e r s . W e n e e d n o w an e x p l a n a t i o n to a c c o u n t for this a p p a r e n t l y orderly p r o c e s s .

T h e e x p l a n a t i o n I a d v a n c e h e r e to account for t h e creation of the u n i f o r m e d p o l i c e s u b s u m e s p r e v i o u s o n e s and areas t h e m in a m o r e c o m p l e t e c o n t e x t . T h e g r o w t h of u n i f o r m e d u r b a n p o l i c e forces should b e s e e n s i m p l y as a p a r t of t h e growth of u r b a n serv- ice b u r e a u c r a c i e s . T h e p o l i c e p r o v i d e d t h e s p e c i f i c service of con- trolling an i n c r e a s i n g l y a n o n y m o u s and t h r e a t e n i n g ” d a n g e r o u s c l a s s , ” nevertheless this was not the rationale for his or her creation. T h e n e w police did r e p r e s e n t an i m p o r t a n t and d r a m a t i c c h a n g e inside the n a t u r e of u r b a n life, b u t t h e i r i n t r o d u c t i o n a n d d i s p e r s i o n t h r o u g h o u t t h e c o u n t r y w a s n o t a f u n c t i o n of elite d e m a n d s for sophistication administration, c h a n g – ing u r b a n riots, or rising c r i m e . Its s p e e d a n d tempo d e t e r m i n e d b y a c o n t a g i o u s d i f f u s i o n p r o c e s s , the unfold of t h e n e w okay i n d of police c o n f o r m e d to a s i m p l e r a n okay – o r d e r d i s p e r s i o n m o d e l . T h e i n n o v a – tion of the p o l i c e , c o p i e d first b y t h e largest Japanese cities f r o m the m o d e l of the L o n d o n M e t r o p o l i t a n Police, s w e p t d o w n the size h i – erarchy of U . S . c i t i e s , f r o m large to small, in a f o r t y – y e a r p e r i o d . A b s o l u t e measurement m a d e little d i f f e r e n c e : T h u s , w h e n N e w York u n i – f o r m e d its police in 1853 it w a s a m e t r o p o l i s of over 6 zero zero , zero zero zero p e o p l e , b u t T a u n t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , r e o r g a n i z e d a n d u n i f o r m e d its p o l i c e in 1890 w h e n its p o p u l a t i o n n u m b e r e d solely 2 5 , zero zero zero .

T h e causal s e q u e n c e r u n s thus: A m e r i c a n u r b a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s inside the closing half of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y b e g a n to p r o v i d e a grow- ing r a n g e of rationalized firms – p o l i c e , fireside, h e a l t h , a n d s e w a g e – w h i c h p r e v i o u s l y h a d b e e n p r o v i d e d on an e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l b a s i s b y v a r i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s . F o r an important c i t i e s , the c o n s p i c u o u s l y s u c c e s s f u l M e t r o p o l i t a n P o l i c e of L o n d o n s e r v e d as a p o l i c i n g m o d e l to b e a d o p t e d w h e n a n y o n e of numerous p r é c i p i t a n t s occurred. O n c e a d o p t e d b y larger c i t i e s , the n e w m o d e l of p o l i c i n g unfold from larger to smaller c i t i e s , spurred not b y p r e c i p i t a t i n g events any longer, b u t b y t h e n e w l y d e v e l o p i n g service o r i e n t a t i o n s of metropolis g o v e r n m e n t s . Each metropolis’s p o s i t i o n inside the measurement h i e r a r c h y of U . S . cities d e t e r m i n e d the p o i n t at w h i c h its u n i f o r m e d p o l i c e stress w a s c r e a t e d , w i t h o t h e r i n f l u e n c e s – e t h n i c c o m p o s i t i o n , i n d u s t r i a l b a s e , and web site – o p e r a t i n g o n l y as m i n o r d e t e r m i n a n t s . Al-

Police in metropolis America, 1860 — 1920

t h o u g h metropolis officers m a y h a v e appeared w i t h h o r r o r at c r i m e and dis- order, t h e y appeared on the m u n i c i p a l o p e r a t i o n s of barely larger cities for wise s u g g e s t i o n s to u r b a n g o v e r n a n c e .

T h e t i m i n g and pattern of police d i s p e r s i o n t h r o u g h the c o u n t r y s h o w s that metropolis g o v e r n m e n t s seized the i n n o v a t i v e s c h e m e of u n i – f o r m e d police as a c o n v e n i e n t and f a s h i o n a b l e m e a n s of social con- trol w i t h o u t regard for significantly t h r e a t e n i n g s i t u a t i o n s . A l t h o u g h inside the i n s t a n c e s of s o m e of t h e larger cities, riots or p e r c e p t i o n s of rising crime a n d d i s o r d e r m a y h a v e b e e n p r e c i p i t a t i n g parts, it is clear that as a standard causal clarification such analyses h a v e con- fused précipitants with p r e c o n d i t i o n s . 7 6 For an a c c o u n t of the rise of u n i f o r m e d p o l i c i n g to b e a d e q u a t e , it s h o u l d h a v e an enormous diploma of applicability all through t h e fluctuate of U . S . cities, and n o n e of the pre- v i o u s fashions m e e t s t h i s c o n d i t i o n . Each can make clear the o r i g i n s of solely a handful of metropolis p o l i c e . M y e x p l a n a t i o n , although a lot much less dra- m a t i c , immediately ties the p o l i c e to m u n i c i p a l c h a n g e w i t h i n an u r b a n n e t w o r okay , allowing m o r e u n i t y and complexity inside the analysis of t h e firms that t h e police p r o v i d e d b y separating o r i g i n s from func- tions. Merely b e c a u s e t h e police w e r e created for o n e trigger does n o t m e a n that t h e y actually d i d n o t do completely different t h i n g s : W e m u s t b e pre- pared to easily settle for the idea the exact f u n c t i o n s of the police w e r e u n i n t e n d e d c o n s e q u e n c e s of t h e i r r e o r g a n i z a t i o n . To s h o w this, it is first n e c e s s a r y to seek out each n e w l y created d e p a r t m e n t inside the u r b a n h i e r a r c h y , along with inside the t i m e of entire a d o p t i o n s .

M y h y p o t h e s i s , w h i c h h a s b e e n examined a n d tentatively c o n f i r m e d , is that each metropolis’s p o s i t i o n inside the nationwide h i e r a r c h y of cities immediately d e t e r m i n e d the order in w h i c h it adopted a u n i f o r m e d police stress. T h a t is, larger cities a d o p t e d p o l i c e forces first, w i t h smaller o n e s following quickly. T h e scatterplot in Decide 2 d e m o n s t r a t e s this v i s – ually – each p o i n t r e p r e s e n t s a metropolis, positioned b y its rank a n d date of u n i f o r m a d o p t i o n (metropolis o n e , for i n s t a n c e , is N e w York Metropolis, w h i c h uniformed its police in 1853). As a result of the legend below the scatterplot states, the rank-order correlation of metropolis and police dates is a extreme .69, s i g n i f i c a n t at .001, for f i f t y – n i n e cities. W h e n the twelve cities positioned inside the S o u t h e a s t a n d W e s t are excluded from the correlation, R declines barely for t h e s e r e g i o n s and rises for the M i d w e s t a n d N o r t h e a s t . T h i s decline in R is p r o b a b l y the outcomes of the s c a n t i e r and p o o r e r data for t h e S o u t h e a s t and W e s t , and can n o t b e v i e w e d as c o n c l u s i v e . W e s h o u l d look, comparatively, at t h e whole outcomes, for in c o n f i r m i n g the r a n okay – o r d e r h y p o t h e s i s , the p r e v i o u s explana- t i o n s for the creation of t h e police can b e s u b s u m e d .

44 The historic development of the police 45

Rank order 60 r

5 zero

4 zero

three zero

20

10

1850 1860 1870 1880 1890

Decide 2. Rank order of cities adopting uniforms, 1 eight 5 zero – 1900. ( S p e a r m a n ‘ s R = .689, N = 57.) Provide: Info compiled from histories of specific individual cities. Rank taken from census following 12 months of adoption. S e e Appendix A for full citations.

T h a t metropolis rank d e t e r m i n e d w h e n a metropolis a d o p t e d a u n i f o r m e d po- lice stress signifies that native alternatives regarding the m e a n s of so- cial administration, s o m e t i m e s p r e c i p i t a t e d b y native s i t u a t i o n s , w e r e n o t u n i q u e b u t w e r e part of a n a t i o n a l growth in u r b a n g o v e r n a n c e . Cities l o o okay e d to completely different cities of s i m i l a r measurement for ideas. If each metropolis h a d adopted a u n i f o r m e d stress solely after a riot, c h a n g i n g crime cost, or the n e e d for a n e w okay i n d of class-control firm, m a n y areas would not t o d a y h a v e a u n i f o r m e d police stress. Instead, b y following the examples of larger areas, b y 1890 cities as small a n d as completely completely different as A u b u r n , N e w York; L y n n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s ; a n d S a i n t J o s e p h , M i s – souri, h a d created t h e i r private u n i f o r m e d p o l i c e forces. T h e p r o c e s s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n d o w n t h e u r b a n h i e r a r c h y , from m a j o r to m i n o r areas, occurred not solely w i t h regard to g o v e r n m e n t a l i n n o v a t i o n s . A modern analysis of cholera, for i n s t a n c e , s h o w s h o w the cholera epi- d e m i c of 1832 unfold from metropolis to metropolis alongside m a j o r transport routes; h o w e v e r , b y 1866 cholera unfold d o w n the u r b a n h i e r a r c h y from b i g to small p l a c e s , j u m p i n g the m a j o r transport r o u t e s . 7 7 T h i s com- p a r i s o n d e m o n s t r a t e s that t h e s y s t e m of c o m m u n i c a t i o n s a n d eco-

58 Police in metropolis America, 1860 — 1920

n o m i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s of cities structured c h a n g e a n d i n n o v a t i o n b y structuring i n f o r m a t i o n flows. Merely as larger cities r e c e i v e d m o r e cholera carriers earlier t h a n smaller o n e s , the s a m e cities moreover re- ceived additional i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t policing i n n o v a t i o n s .

To analysis the i n s t i t u t i o n a l m e a n i n g of this p a t t e r n of police a d o p t i o n , w e m u s t m o v e out of the n a r r o w e r focus of police h i s t o r y and e x a m i n e the b r o a d e r p a t t e r n s of i n s t i t u t i o n a l c h a n g e . In an i m – p o r t a n t and s u g g e s t i v e article on the H o u s e of R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , N e l s o n Polsby models up numerous w a y s to m e a s u r e a n d d e s c r i b e i n s t i – tutional c h a n g e s . 7 eight A l t h o u g h h i s p r o p o s i t i o n s and m e a s u r e s are de- s i g n e d to make use of to legislative b o d i e s , they swap a l m o s t w i t h o u t m o d i f i c a t i o n to b u r e a u c r a c i e s similar to the p o l i c e .

T h e r e are three d e s c r i p t i v e traits of w h a t h e calls an ” i n – stitutionalized b u r e a u c r a c y ” – a n d for b u r e a u c r a c i e s to b e v i a b l e they m u s t b e i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d . T h e first attribute of an institu- tionalized b u r e a u c r a c y is its clear ” d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n f r o m its e n v i r o n – m e n t ” ; s e c o n d , it h a s a ” c o m p l e x o r g a n i z a t i o n ” ; a n d t h i r d , it is run on ” u n i v e r s a l i s t i c c r i t e r i a . ” P o l s b y operationalizes t h e s e three char- acteristics i n t o m o r e concrete requirements, practically all of w h i c h are satis- fied b y the c h a n g e s in p o l i c i n g c c o m p a n i e d the a d o p t i o n of the u n i f o r m . T h e clearest i n d i c a t o r s of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n m e t b y the u n i f o r m e d police embrace: (1) easy i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of m e m b e r s h i p – the u n i f o r m , in truth; (2) the r e c r u i t m e n t of l e a d e r s h i p from w i t h i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n – t h e u n i f o r m e d police s a w the b e g i n n i n g of this p r i n c i p l e in police o r g a n i z a t i o n ; (three) particular separation of inside f u n c t i o n s – the p a r a – m i l i t a r y c o m m a n d building a n d the creation of detective d i v i s i o n s ; (4) n o n i n t e r c h a n g e a b l e roles – m a – trons, patrol, and chiefs, for instance; and (5) inside b u s i n e s s con- ducted b y u n i v e r s a l i s t i c , n o n d i s c r e t i o n a r y , m e r i t o c r a t i c , and that i m – p e r s o n a l codes – a goal that the police tried to i m p l e m e n t w i t h v a r y i n g ranges of success t h r o u g h o u t the n i n e t e e n t h century.

Although n o n e of these choices was fully or instantly a c h i e v e d in t h e n e w l y f o r m e d police d e p a r t m e n t s , t h e y w e r e the desiderata a n d neatly s u m m a r i z e t h e i n t e r n a l targets of t h e n e w p o – lice. P o l s b y lists o n e criterion that the n e w d e p a r t m e n t s did n o t m e e t effectively a n d that h a s o n l y in latest occasions b e c o m e a d e – m a n d of police d e p a r t m e n t s – robust m e m b e r s h i p r e q u i r e m e n t s . A l t h o u g h it w a s comparatively e a s y to b e c o m e a p o l i c e officer in t h e n i n e t e e n t h century, d e p a r t m e n t s harassed t h e i r h i g h d e g r e e of per- s o n n e l selectivity, a n x i o u s l y s h o w i n g that t h e i r p o l i c e officers w e r e literate p e o p l e w h o h a d b e e n recruited from knowledgeable o c c u p a t i o n s , even to the p o i n t of d i s t o r t i n g p e r s o n n e l s t a t i s t i c s . 7 9 Nevertheless a b o v e all

44 The historic development of the police 45

these requirements of an i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d paperwork s t a n d s t h e u n i – f o r m , d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the p o l i c e from completely different c i t i z e n s , v i s i b l y s y m b o l – izing the sophisticated i n n e r h i e r a r c h y of the police d e p a r t m e n t t h r o u g h the d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n the u n i f o r m s of the patrol a n d r a n okay i n g offi- cers, a n d s t r e s s i n g u n i v e r s a l i s m o v e r i n d i v i d u a l idiosyncracy.

T h e d e v e l o p m e n t of p o l i c e b u r e a u c r a c i e s paralleled rigorously, b o t h in t i m e and f o r m , the m o v e m e n t of the H o u s e of R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s in the direction of a t h o r o u g h l y ” i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d b u r e a u c r a c y . ” A c c o r d i n g to P o l s b y , the turning p o i n t for the H o u s e obtained right here inside the 1 eight 9 zero – 1 9 1 zero p e r i o d , the s a m e p e r i o d w h e n p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s b e g a n to free t h e m s e l v e s f r o m factional native politics. Typically the defactionaliza- tion of police d e p a r t m e n t s on the t u r n of t h e c e n t u r y is c o n c e i v e d solely w i t h i n t h e context of t h e i n d i v i d u a l d e p a r t m e n t ‘ s h i s t o r y or as an externally i m p o s e d p r o g r e s s i v e r e f o r m . eight zero Nevertheless P o l s b y ‘ s m o d e l of- fers an i n t e r e s t i n g completely different. H e s h o w s h o w o n e of t h e p r e d i c t a b l e c o n s e q u e n c e s of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n is the d e v e l o p m e n t of ” p r o f e s – sional n o r m s of c o n d u c t , ” i m p l y i n g that o n c e the n e w d e p a r t m e n t s h a d b e e n e s t a b l i s h e d , t h e i r m o v e s in the direction of p r o f e s s i o n a l i z a t i o n b e – obtained right here practically a u t o m a t i c . S e e n on this strategy, t h e defactionalization of the police w a s s i m p l y a facet of t h e g r o w t h of p o l i c e p r o f e s s i o n – alism, w h i c h w a s itself a b u i l t – i n c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e m o v e to ra- tionalize a n d u n i f o r m the p o l i c e . eight 1

T h e p r o c e s s of the r e o r g a n i z a t i o n and regularization of the police can b e explored w i t h specific readability inside the t w i n cities of M i n n e a p – olis a n d S a i n t Paul, for b o t h cities c o n v e r t e d their p o l i c e forces from s i m p l e o r g a n i z a t i o n s w i t h o n e c h i e f a n d a dozen or so p a t r o l m e n to u n i f o r m e d p a r a – m i l i t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s in t h e 1870s. T h i s s a m e dec- ade s a w i n t e n s e c o m p e t i t i o n b e t w e e n the t w o cities as b o t h experi- e n c e d p h y s i c a l growth a n d p o p u l a t i o n e x p a n s i o n w h i l e f i g h t i n g for c o m m e r c i a l a n d m a n u f a c t u r i n g a d v a n t a g e , their c o m p e t i t i v e n e s s stimulated b y p h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y a n d e t h n i c and r e l i g i o u s rivalry. T h e u p s t a r t rival, R e p u b l i c a n , S c a n d i n a v i a n , W A S P M i n n e a p o l i s , t h r e a t e n e d t h e older a n d m o r e e s t a b l i s h e d metropolis, D e m o c r a t i c , Irish, Catholic S a i n t Paul. In lieu of c o m p a r a b l e a n n u a l c e n s u s e s , the cities e s t i m a t e d p o p u l a t i o n on the b a s i s of votes (one v o t e b e i n g c o n s i d e r e d to r e p r e s e n t s i x p e o p l e ) , each t r y i n g t o o u t r a n okay t h e completely different.

T h e two c i t i e s ‘ c o n c e r n s for p o p u l a t i o n exactly mirrored real- ity, for S a i n t Paul h a d 2 zero , zero three zero p e o p l e in 1870 w h i l e M i n n e a p o l i s h a d solely 13,zero66; at t h e e n d of t h e decade b o t h cities h a d g r o w n c o n s i d – erably, b u t t h e r a n okay i n g h a d dramatically r e v e r s e d , S a i n t Paul stand- ing at 4 1 , 4 7 three a n d M i n n e a p o l i s at 4 6 , eight eight 7 . T h i s reversal occurred at

60 Police in metropolis America, 1860 — 1920

a b o u t t h e s a m e t i m e M i n n e a p o l i s p u t its p o l i c e i n t o u n i f o r m , 1876, for in 1875 the state c e n s u s s h o w e d S a i n t Paul nonetheless l e a d i n g barely at three three , 1 7 eight , w i t h M i n n e a p o l i s solely 457 p e o p l e b e h i n d at three 2 , 7 2 1 . However whatever the i n t e n s e b o o s t e r i s m of and rivalry b e t w e e n the t w o cities, a n d no matter t h e t e n d e n c y of the n e w s p a p e r s to c o m m e n t on i t e m s even marginally related to the c o m p e t i t i o n , the s u b j e c t of the p o l i c e is unusually m i s s i n g f r o m their dialogue. O n e searches the n e w s p a p e r s and metropolis council m i n u t e s in v a i n , e x p e c t i n g to f i n d i n t e n s e a r g u m e n t a b o u t t h e s e v i s i b l e s y m b o l s of u r b a n m o d e r n i t y . In b o t h cities, the o n l y i s s u e of n o t e c o n c e r n i n g p o l i c e u n i f o r m s w a s w h e t h e r or n o t city g o v e r n m e n t s s h o u l d p a y for t h e m (they did). S a i n t Paul merely o u t d i s t a n c e d M i n n e a p o l i s in t h e u n i f o r m m o v e m e n t b y four y e a r s , 1872 as o p p o s e d to 1876, t i m i n g that cor- r e s p o n d e d to the rank o r d e r . eight 2 Nevertheless it is w r o n g to see a n y c o m p e t i – t i v e n e s s h e r e : T h e o n l y distinction b e t w e e n t h e police of the two cities that even c a m e close to c o m p e t i t i o n occurred in 1874, w h e n t h e Minneapolis Tribune ran a h u m o r o u s n o t e c o n c e r n i n g the attractive- n e s s of the S a i n t Paul p o l i c e u n i f o r m s for w o m e n . eight three O t h e r w i s e , M i n n e a p o l i t a n s s e e m e d to easily settle for complacently a smaller and m o r e ragtag p o l i c e , a r g u i n g that t h e metropolis w a s ” o n e of the m o s t q u i e t and orderly of t o w n s . ” eight 4

T h e standing of u n i f o r m s w a s such a n o n – i s s u e that n e i t h e r metropolis even h a d the a p p r o p r i a t e t e r m i n o l o g y . W h e n the S a i n t Paul metropolis council voted to p a y for the n e w u n i f o r m s in 1872, it s i m p l y often called t h e m ” o u t f i t s . ” eight 5 E q u a l l y l a c o n i c , the M i n n e a p o l i s c o u n c i l d i s – cussed ” u n i f o r m o v e r c o a t s . ” eight 6 M i n n e a p o l i s A l d e r m a n Bassett m a d e this relaxed perspective clear w h e n , in an 1872 council d i s c u s s i o n over w h e t h e r o r to not r e o r g a n i z e the police ( w h i c h c o n s i s t e d of a c h i e f and handful of p a t r o l m e n ) to i n c l u d e a captain or t w o , h e allowed that h e ” w a s i g n o r a n t as to t h e duties of p o l i c e m e n , b u t h a d n o o b j e c t i o n to all b e i n g c a p t a i n s if it d i d n ‘ t worth any m o r e . ” H e then m o v e d that the d e p a r t m e n t h a v e o n e chief, o n e c a p t a i n , two lieu- t e n a n t s , two s e r g e a n t s , a n d four corporals, b u t n o p a t r o l m e n . H i s m o t i o n failed a n d t h e stress then g a i n e d a c a p t a i n . eight 7

W h e n M i n n e a p o l i s lastly caught as a lot as S a i n t Paul in u n i f o r m i n g its police four years later, the adoption occurred with little commo- tion a n d practically n o c o m m e n t . If u n i f o r m s w e r e d i s c u s s e d b e f o r e t h e metropolis council, the m i n u t e s did not report the d i s c u s s i o n . T h e m a y o r , in h i s inaugural m e s s a g e of April 1 1 , 1 eight 7 6 , requested for ” u n i f o r m stars, belts, golf gear a n d h a n d cuffs . . . because it’s p r o p o s e d to h a v e the entire offi- cers in full u n i f o r m w h i l e on d u t y . ” eight eight T h i s is the first formal m e n – tion of police u n i f o r m s in M i n n e a p o l i s , a n d the p o l i c e a p p e a r e d

44 The historic development of the police 45

three days after the m a y o r ‘ s m e s s a g e in full u n i f o r m – in a small n o t e , t h e Tribune s a i d ” t h e i m p r o v e m e n t w a s n o t i c e a b l e . ” eight 9 A m o n t h later, t h e chief a p p e a r e d ” i n a n o b b y n e w b l u e u n i f o r m w i t h b u t t o n s all through h i m . ” 9 zero

T h e exact m e c h a n i s m a n d i m p e t u s for police u n i f o r m s in M i n n e – apolis r e m a i n unclear: T h e entire stress h a d p e t i t i o n e d for u n i f o r m overcoats in October, 1875, and the chief m a y have b e e n the prime m o v e r b e h i n d the u n i f o r m s . 9 1 In t h e case of the u n i f o r m overcoats, h e apparently positioned the orders a n d h a d t h e m e n w e a r i n g t h e m prolonged b e f o r e t h e council would possibly d e c i d e on h o w city m i g h t p a y for t h e m . 9 2 A n d it is clear f r o m the c h i e f ‘ s report of 1879 that h e saved abreast of police d e v e l o p m e n t s t h r o u g h o u t t h e U n i t e d States, as h e included a desk c o m p a r i n g t h e M i n n e a p o l i s police to t h o s e in numerous c i t i e s . 9 three

N e i t h e r c r i m e n o r p u b l i c d i s o r d e r figured inside the r e o r g a n i z a t i o n of e i t h e r the M i n n e a p o l i s o r S a i n t Paul p o l i c e . A l t h o u g h there could also be some s u g g e s t i o n that t h e c h i e f s anticipated u n i f o r m s to help m a i n t a i n the d i s c i p l i n e of the police a n d t h e w a r m overcoats to okay e e p t h e m out of b a r s , moreover it’s a p p a r e n t that t h e police e x p a n d e d n u m e r i c a l l y to okay e e p up w i t h the p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h a n d p h y s i c a l e x p a n s i o n of the t w o cities. T h e solely recorded r e a s o n i n g of a metropolis official on the s u b j e c t of t h e police c a m e w h e n the m a y o r of S a i n t Paul e x p l a i n e d in 1871 that city n e e d e d m o r e p o l i c e b e c a u s e it w a s g r o w i n g and b e c a u s e m o r e police c o n s t i t u t e d , inside the prolonged r u n , the next e c o n o m y than f e w p o l i c e . ” D i s o r d e r , ” h e claimed, ” s e l d o m arises w h e r e an officer is at h a n d – h i s m e r e p r e s e n c e or c o n t i g u i t y usually pre- vents t h e o f f e n s e from w h i c h follows the arrest, trial, c o n v i c t i o n and c o n s e q u e n t s u p p o r t of o f f e n d e r s for a time interval on the p u b l i c ex- p e n s e . ” 9 4 C o s t , not c r i m e , w a s the c o n c e r n of t h e s e t w o b o o m i n g cities b u i l d i n g n e w police forces; q u e s t i o n s a b o u t the civil libertar- ian i s s u e s of s t a n d i n g a r m i e s , p o l i c e s p y i n g , or social administration did not come up, for policing h a d s i m p l y b e c o m e an u r b a n service to b e taken for g r a n t e d , like s e w e r s , s i d e w a l okay s , a n d streets.

It h a s b e e n robust for h i s t o r i a n s to grab descriptively the b u – r e a u c r a t i c c h a n g e from the c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h s y s t e m to t h e u n i – f o r m e d p o l i c e , and it h a s r e m a i n e d for a sociologist, Allan Levett, to return again up w i t h w h a t I t h i n okay is the m o s t e n g a g i n g p r e s e n t a t i o n of this c h a n g e . H e calls the p r e – u n i f o r m e d police ” e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l p o l i c e , ” e m p h a s i z i n g t h e i r n o n – r u l e – b o u n d b e h a v i o r and d e p e n d e n c e on fees comparatively t h a n salaries. B e c a u s e of t h e i r cost d e p e n d e n c e , the entre- preneurial p o l i c e e n g a g e d in actions g e n e r a t i n g large fees a n d re- w a r d s , such as a result of the r e c o v e r y of stolen property. T h e u n i f o r m e d po-

Police in metropolis America, 1860 — 1920

lice h e argues, w e r e a ” p o l i t i c i z e d b u r e a u c r a c y ” : A l t h o u g h the n e w d e p a r t m e n t s h a d r u l e – g o v e r n e d i n t e r n a l buildings, t h u s m e e t i n g the d e f i n i t i o n of a paperwork, t h e tips w e r e s u b j e c t to the d e – m a n d s of the native political p o w e r . O f c o u r s e , the e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l police w e r e , legally a n d traditionally, brokers of the c o u r t s , w h i c h is w h y t h e y d e p e n d e d on f e e s and e m p h a s i z e d c a t c h i n g c r i m i n a l s comparatively than p r e v e n t i n g c r i m e . Nevertheless the u n i f o r m e d p o l i c e , m o v e d from administration b y the courts to an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e b r a n c h of metropolis gov- e r n m e n t , b e c a m e a c o n s t a n t a n d frequent attribute of u r b a n life.

T h e gathering of the p o l i c e i n t o t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e b r a n c h of metropolis g o v e r n m e n t paralleled the future of a equally e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l u r b a n service, the v o l u n t e e r fireside d e p a r t m e n t . 9 5 Every r e o r g a n i z a t i o n s w e r e half of an even bigger c h a n g e , the rationalization of u r b a n g o v e r n m e n t a l firms. T h i s m u s t b e okay e p t in v i e w as w e analyze p o l i c e d society inside the n i n e t e e n t h century, for this larger c h a n g e in u r b a n g o v e r n a n c e p r o v i d e d the n e c e s s a r y p r e c o n d i t i o n for the creation of the u n i – f o r m e d police. W i t h i n the context of this p r e c o n d i t i o n , numerous dif- ferent p r e c i p i t a n t s w e r e s u f f i c i e n t to m o v e t h e police i n t o u n i f o r m – t h a t i s , r i o t s , p e r c e p t i o n s of r i s i n g c r i m e , s e n s a t i o n a l c r i m i n a l offenses, or the demand for sophistication administration.

A l t h o u g h the r a n okay – o r d e r d i s p e r s i o n m o d e l i n d i c a t e s that the u n i – fication of the S o u t h e r n u r b a n p o l i c e adopted the dictates of a n a – tional u r b a n h i e r a r c h i c a l s y s t e m , there could also be s o m e e v i d e n c e that b e f o r e u n i f i c a t i o n there w e r e r e g i o n a l variations induced b y slavery. H i s – torian Richard W a d e cites t h e o b s e r v a t i o n s of vacationers w h o f o u n d the S o u t h e r n p o l i c e successfully r e p r e s s i v e . A l t h o u g h t h e s e o b s e r v a – tions mirror, not lower than partially, w h a t the vacationers w a n t e d to see – that i s , e v i d e n c e of t h e totalitarian parts of a slave s o c i e t y – t h e y nonetheless h a v e s o m e m e r i t . O n e solely w o n d e r s if acute o b s e r v e r s could not h a v e f o u n d s i m i l a r r e p r e s s i v e policing of the p o o r in N o r t h e r n cities of the c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h interval. V i s i t i n g Charleston, South Caro- l i n a , F r e d e r i c okay L a w O l m s t e d f o u n d ” ‘ p o l i c e m a c h i n e r y as y o u n e v e r f i n d in t o w n s u n d e r free g o v e r n m e n t s : citadels, s e n t r i e s , p a s s p o r t s , g r a p e – s h o t t e d c a n o n , a n d on daily basis p u b l i c w h i p p i n g s . . . . I h a p p e n e d m y s e l f to see m o r e direct e x p r e s s i o n of t y r a n n y in a s i n – gle d a y and n i g h t at C h a r l e s t o n , than in Naples in a w e e okay ‘ . ” In R i c h m o n d , V i r g i n i a , W i l l i a m C h a m b e r s c a m e u p o n an a r m e d po- lice g u a r d in t h e early e v e n i n g p a t r o l l i n g t h e capital ( w h e n , it should b e r e m e m b e r e d , the N o r t h e r n cities usually h a d n o p o l i c e , the c o n s t a b l e s h a v i n g g o n e h o m e for the day a n d the n i g h t watch n o t however on obligation). F o r h i m , s e e i n g the officer ” ‘ h a d the startling affect of

44 The historic development of the police 45

an a p p a r i t i o n ; for it w a s t h e first t i m e I h a d s e e n a b a y o n e t inside the U n i t e d S t a t e s ‘ . ” 9 6 A l t h o u g h t h e considered guarding t h e capital m a y n o t s e e m too s u r p r i s i n g to u s , it h a d n o t b e e n c o m m o n p r a c t i c e even inside the n a t i o n a l capital: In 1840, a d r u n okay was a b l e to w a n d e r i n t o the W h i t e H o u s e and s p e n d t h e n i g h t u n n o t i c e d . A n d B o o t h shot L i n – coln w h i l e t h e police officer a s s i g n e d to guard L i n c o l n ‘ s b o x sat d r i n okay i n g in a neighborhood b a r . 9 7

Not all h i s t o r i a n s agree on the e f f i c i e n c y of the S o u t h e r n p o l i c e , for a analysis of the S a v a n n a h , G e o r g i a , police b y R i c h a r d H a u n t o n d e s c r i b e s a s y s t e m r e m a r okay a b l y like its N o r t h e r n c o u n t e r p a r t s , w i t h the e x c e p t i o n of a m u c h larger w a t c h , not lower than on p a p e r . In 1854, with a p o p u l a t i o n of a b o u t 17,00zero, t h e metropolis h a d 5 c o n s t a b l e s a n d 100 w a t c h m e n . T h e subsequent y e a r t h e police c h a n g e d , d e c l i n i n g to a w a t c h of 60 w i t h 20 m o u n t e d c o n s t a b l e s , a n d b y 1860 the w a t c h h a d b e e n e l i m i n a t e d i n favor of 56 regulation enforcement officers, 2 ” s e n t i n e l s , ” a n d 10 re- servists. T h e S a v a n n a h j a i l , like j a i l s t h r o u g h o u t the nation, con- tained blacks, w h i t e s , w o m e n , kids, lunatics, and w i t n e s s e s de- t a i n e d f o r trial. On this t h r i v i n g p o r t metropolis w i t h m a n y i m m i g r a n t s and sailors, t h e metropolis jail c o n t a i n e d t w i c e as m a n y w h i t e s as b l a c okay s , p e r h a p s b e c a u s e slave o w n e r s p a i d f i n e s a n d free b l a c okay s w e r e m o r e apt to acquire corporal p u n i s h m e n t t h a n w h i t e s . A n e w s p a p e r edi- torial in 1853 m o c okay i n g the w a t c h p r o b a b l y w o u l d h a v e b e e n appro- priate a n y w h e r e inside the nation: ” ‘ W e are literally at a loss to okay n o w w h a t to m a okay e of our u p – t o w n n e i g h b o r nowadays – does h e m e a n to say that there is such a t h i n g as a p o l i c e stress on this metropolis! Brother, b e – w a r e h o w y o u draw such prolonged b o w s ! You’ll i m p a r e y o u r credit score rating for veracity if y o u put such r u m o r s afloat. ‘ W a t c h ‘ in S a v a n n a h ! Capital j o okay e . W e j u s t b e g i n to see the c u e , our n e i g h b o r refers to t i m e p i e c e s in j e w e l r y s t o r e s ‘ . ” 9 eight

If S o u t h e r n police in t h e p r e – u n i f o r m , p r e – C i v i l W a r interval w e r e additional setting pleasant and r e p r e s s i v e than police in t h e the rest of the nation, then the s i t u a t i o n h a d truly c h a n g e d after the battle, w h e n the S o u t h e r n c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h system developed i n t o police forces as in- setting pleasant and politically factional as inside the N o r t h . E u g e n e W a t t s traced the d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e Atlanta police from u n i f o r m i n g a n d unification in 1874 t h r o u g h depoliticization in 1904 a n d s h o w e d that the m a j o r variations b e t w e e n t h e m a n d N o r t h e r n police w e r e s o m e w h a t h i g h e r p e r capita energy and m o r e particular race administration efforts. A s inside the N o r t h , police h a r a s s m e n t saved t h e ” d a n g e r o u s c l a s s , ” d e f i n e d m a i n l y in t e r m s of race in Atlanta, c o n t a i n e d in cer- tain p a r t s of t h e metropolis. T h e c h i e f p u r p o s e l y allowed black ” d i v e s ” to

64 Police in metropolis America, 1 eight 6 zero – 1 9 2 zero

r e m a i n o p e n to p r o v i d e a c o n v e n i e n t place for a s u s p e c t pool w h e n arrests w e r e n e e d e d – a apply nonetheless c o n t i n u e d b y police t h r o u g h – out t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . ”

T h u s , the c o m p o s i t i o n of the ” d a n g e r o u s c l a s s , ” m a i n l y black inside the S o u t h , m o r e h e t e r o g e n e o u s inside the N o r t h , d e t e r m i n e d the re- gional variations in p o l i c e group N o r t h and S o u t h . After u n i f i c a t i o n , w h a t e v e r r e g i o n a l variations that m a y h a v e existed had d i s a p p e a r e d . A s G e o r g e Okay e t c h a m , in h i s analysis of t h e unifica- tion of 5 police d e p a r t m e n t s inside the N o r t h , M i d w e s t , and S o u t h , discovered:

Metropolis laws enforcement companies obtained right here to share various com- mon traits of their personnel and procedures. Regard- a lot much less of space, a placing similarity existed in police practices and even the repeated shifts between metropolitan and state administration did little to alter the mode of operations. The distinctive charac- ter of municipal police grew as rather a lot from the routine practices utilized in recruitment, teaching and laws enforcement as from its statutory definition. 1 zero zero

By the tip of the n i n e t e e n t h century, the uniformed police in U . S . cities h a d a s s u m e d t h e f o r m and roles w i t h w h i c h m o s t A m e r i c a n s h a v e b e c o m e acquainted. To b e sure, there w e r e m a n y technological c h a n g e s to c o m e , b o t h in w e a p o n r y and c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , b u t the bureaucratic system h a d b e e n f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d . Future technol- ogy w o u l d r e p r e s e n t f i n e t u n i n g on the b a s i c s y s t e m , w h i c h h a d c h a n g e d from a b r o a d l y c o n c e i v e d reactive i n s t i t u t i o n to a m o r e narrowly d e f i n e d p r e v e n t i v e and c o n t r o l – o r i e n t e d paperwork. A s a part of associated c h a n g e s inside the operate and political building of U . S . cities, the u n i f o r m e d p o l i c e r e p r e s e n t e d a n e w w a y of o r d e r i n g , a d m i n i s t e r i n g , a n d controlling city, a w a y s u b s t a n t i a l l y differ- ent from the usual c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h . A l t h o u g h the r e a s o n s for the creation of the n e w p o l i c e c a m e from the n e w okay i n d of metropolis gov- e r n m e n t and from n e w okay i n d s of social administration for bodily large and quite a few p o p u l a t i o n s , the exact t i m i n g a n d a d o p t i o n of the sys- tem adopted t h e m o r e b a s i c c o m m u n i c a t i o n building of city s y s t e m . Significantly, the n e w police s p e a r h e a d e d a n o n r e v e r s i b l e and u n i n t e n d e d p r o c e s s of social administration inside the metropolis. O r i g i n a l i n t e n – tions a n d e x p e c t a t i o n s fell b y the w a y s i d e as metropolis dwellers took i n i – tiative in putting the n e w police to n e w u s e s in w h i c h authorized arrest actions, not lower than for an prolonged t i m e , figured solely peripherally.

Notes to pages 2 6 – three zero 189

47 Presently, anthropologists generally tend to hold a reverse place to mine, discovering laws and crime in all societies. See Edgerton: moreover see Moore.

48 Eric H. Monkkonen, “States Rights vs. Firm Rights: Monetary establishment of Au- gusta vs. Earle 1 eight three 6 , ” Alabama Quarterly (Summer season season 1973), 1 1 three – three zero .

49 Herein lies the difficulty in Erikson’s Wayward Puritans: He sees crime as defining behavioral boundaries or social norms, nevertheless ignores its in- herently political nature.

50 Pollock and Maitland, 1:52, 53.

1. The historic development of the police

1 Roger Lane, Policing the Metropolis: Boston, 1822-1905 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Faculty Press, 1967); James F. Richardson, The New York Police: Colonial Events to 1901 (New York: Oxford Faculty Press, 1970); George A. Ketcham, “Municipal Police Reform: A Comparative Study of Laws Enforcement in Cincinnati, Chicago, New Orleans, New York, and St. Louis, 1 eight 4 4 – 1 eight 7 7 , ” P h . D . dissertation (Columbia: Uni- versity of Missouri, 1967); John Okay. Maniha, ” T h e Mobility of Elites in a Bureaucratizing Group: The St. Louis Police Division, 1 eight 6 1 – 1 9 6 1 , ” P h . D . dissertation (Ann Arbor: Faculty of Michigan, 1970); Jerald E. Levine, “Police, Occasions, and Polity: The Bureaucratization, Unionization, and Professionalization of the New York Metropolis Police, 1 eight 7 zero – 1 9 1 7 , ” Ph.D. dissertation (Madison: Faculty of Wisconsin, 1971); Eugene F. Rider, ” T h e Denver Police Division: An Adminis- trative, Organizational, and Operational Historic previous, 1 eight 5 eight – 1 9 zero 5 , ” P h . D . dissertation (Denver: Faculty of Denver, 1971); David R. Johnson, ” T h e Search for an Metropolis Self-discipline: Police Reform as a Response to Crime in American Cities, 1 eight zero zero – 1 eight 7 5 , ” P h . D . dissertation (Chicago: Faculty of Chicago, 1972); Wilbur R. Miller, “Legitimization of the London and New York Metropolis Police, 1 eight three zero – 1 eight 7 zero , ” P h . D . dissertation (New York: Columbia Faculty, 1973), revealed as Cops and Bob- bies: Police Authority in New York and London, 1830-1870 (Chicago: Faculty of Chicago Press, 1976); Kenneth G. Alfers, ” T h e Washing- ton Police: A Historic previous, 1 eight zero zero – 1 eight eight 6 , ” P h . D . dissertation (Washington, D . C . : George Washington Faculty, 1975); Allan E. Levett, “Central- ization of Metropolis Police inside the Nineteenth Century United S t a t e s , ” Ph.D. dissertation (Ann Arbor: Faculty of Michigan, 1975); Maximilian I. Reichard, ” T h e Origins of Metropolis Police: Freedom and Order in Ante- bellum St. L o u i s , ” P h . D . dissertation (Saint Louis: Washington Uni- versity, 1975); Louis B. Cei, ” L a w Enforcement in Richmond: A His- tory of Police Group Relations, 1 7 three 7 – 1 9 7 4 , ” P h . D . dissertation (Tallahassee: Florida State Faculty, 1975); Charles F. Tracy, ” T h e Police of Portland, 1 eight 4 zero – 1 eight 7 zero , ” P h . D . dissertation (Berkeley: Univer- sity of California, 1978); Louis I. Marchiafava, “Institutional and Licensed Components of the Progress of Expert Metropolis Police Service: The Hous-

192 Notes to pages 41 — 6

ton Experience, 1 eight 7 eight – 1 9 4 eight , ” P h . D . dissertation (Houston: Rice Uni- versity, 1976). Johnson, Ketcham, Levett, and Miller all ship a number of metropolis into their analyses.

2 Roger Lane, ” C o m m e n t s , ” Group of American Historians An- nual Meeting, Saint Louis, April eight, 1976. James Q . Wilson, Kinds of Police Habits: The Administration of Laws and Order in Eight Communities (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Faculty Press, 1968), finds four differ- ent ” s t y l e s ” of policing inside the trendy United States.

three Thomas A. Critchley, A Historic previous of Police in England and Wales, 1900- 1966 (London: Constable, 1967), 1 1 – 1 three .

4 Ketcham, 48, citing the Louisiana Gazette, August 5, 1808. The sugges- tion proper right here is that the watch substitutes had been recruited from the ” d a n – gerous c l a s s , ” comparatively than merely being historic and decrepit. If that is the case, this forecasts the general character of the night time time police by way of the mid nine- teenth century.

5 Levett, 42, says that in america, some constables would possibly improve the posse comitatus.

6 William A. Morris, The Frankpledge System (New York: Longmans, Inexperienced, 1910), cited by Critchley, three.

7 Rider, 31. eight Lane, Policing the Metropolis, 1 zero – 1 1 . 9 Ketcham, 51.

10 Rider, 19. 11 Rider, 249, citing the Rocky Mountain Info (Jan. 19, 1883). This obligation

was not u n i q u e to Denver. The identical marshal system of Charlotte, North Carolina, had orders to shoot all unlicensed canine. (Charlotte Ob- server, June 1876).

12 Lane, Policing the Metropolis, cites an event the place the Boston watch was ordered to “forestall and suppress” night time time disturbances; although this is not the similar as the general considered a mission to cease crime, it does suggest that the notion of prevention was present inside the conception of the night time time watch, with its frequent patrol.

13 There’s some proof that this may possible have been a distinction of diploma comparatively than kind: Theodore N. Ferdinand, “Criminality, the Courts and the Constabulary in B o s t o n : 1 7 zero three – 1 9 6 7 , ” m a n u s c r i p t (1973), claims to point that ” b e t w e e n 1824 and 1 eight 6 zero – 6 9 , drunkenness grew to turn into the one most important offense in B o s t o n ” (p. 11). The amount to which these arrests climbed could be a measure of the elevated ini- tiative taken by a preventive police. Nonetheless, it is clear that the c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h system of Boston was primarily conceived as performing after offenses and upon complaints: For example, arguing in the direction of a unified preventive police as late as 1863, Thomas C. Amory acknowledged, ” ‘ I t is the duty of the police officer to serve . . . warrants, when di- rected to him. It is nowhere made his obligation to impress p r o s e c u t i o n s ‘ ” (Lane, Policing the Metropolis, 130). As an example of the variety of social welfare chores freely assigned to constables, in 1860 the marshal of

Notes to pages 46-9 193

Denver was given the care of Chihuahua, a lunatic, by city (Rider, 2 7 – eight ) .

14 Historians usually repeat the judgments of contemporaries complain- ing regarding the constable-watch system, nevertheless every Levett and Ferdinand make arguments for the effectiveness of the c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h . Because of the measurement points involved in evaluating the arrest fees of the two completely completely different strategies, this argument can probably under no circumstances b e re- solved.

15 Lane, Policing the Metropolis, 10. 16 It is fascinating on this connection that fundamental employers of detectives

within the current day are insurance coverage protection companies. See the New York Events Journal (March 12, 1972), three 6 – 7 , 1 1 4 – 1 eight .

17 Richardson, 304, n. 38, citing Charles H. Haswell, Reminiscences of an Octogenarian (New York: Harper & Row, 1896), 510.

18 Ketcham, 50, 68. 19 Johnson, 1 7 6 – 7 . 20 Adrian Prepare dinner dinner, The Armies of the Streets: The New York Metropolis Draft Riots of

1863 (Lexington: Faculty of Kentucky Press, 1974). This incident illustrated a pattern nonetheless widespread within the current day: Police mobilize in the direction of a riot- ing group, escalating the extent of violence and confrontation, shifting the purpose of the mob to the police themselves; police self-discipline fails, resulting in additional violence on either side, and ultimately political leaders title inside the navy or militia. Although police within the current day have reached new ranges of weaponry, riot administration strategies, and technological sophistica- tion, the similar state of affairs will little doubt recur.

21 Norman Gash, Mr. Secretary Peel: The Lifetime of Sir Robert Peel to 1830 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Faculty Press, 1961), 109.

22 Cited by Gash, 175. 23 Quoted by Gash from a speech by Peel, June 23, 1814, 179. 24 Gash, 185; see moreover Robert Curtis, The Historic previous of the Royal Irish Constab-

ulary (Dublin: Moffat, 1869), 2 – 5 1 . 25 Gash, 184. 26 Miller, 64. 27 Richardson, 64. 28 Sadly, Miller’s sources are more likely to bias his outcomes – for London h e

makes use of departmental correspondence and memos, whereas for New York he relies upon upon exterior sources. In a means, then, he has the within views of what the London police had been attempting to do, versus the outsiders’ views of the New York police.

29 Herbert Asbury, The Gangs of New York: An Informal Historic previous of the Un- derworld (New York: Knopf, 1927), 237.

30 Leon Radzinowicz, Ideology and Crime: A Study of Crime in its Social and Historic Context (London: H e i n e m a n n , 1966), 6 – 1 4 .

31 Miller, 112; Johnson, 173; Rider, 100; James W. Gerard, London and New York: Their Crime and Police (New York: W. C. Bryant, 1853).

32 Miller, 64.

192 Notes to pages 41 — 6

33 Perhaps the preventive detention part of the D . C . Crime Bill suggests the next step inside the prevention thought – imprisoning potential of- fenders, comparatively than speedily attempting them for offenses in fact commit- ted. James Franklin, Benjamin’s older brother, established the freedom of the press from prior restraint with the New England Courant, early inside the eighteenth century. See Edwin Emory, The Press and America: An Interpretive Historic previous of Journalism (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1962), 4 eight – 5 1 .

34 Gerard, 1, 6, 17. 35 Levett argues that metropolis elites consciously created the police to control

the “dangerous class.” 36 Primarily, the arrest power of the constable did not differ from that of

a personal citizen until the late eighteenth century, when differing defi- nitions began to emerge in England, coincident with the beginnings of the uniformed police. These variations remained unsettled and in mounted flux until two years sooner than Peel’s London police had been created. At this stage, in 1827, the issue lastly grew to turn into clarified, when it was decided police officer may arrest when there have been reasonably priced grounds to suspect felony had been devoted, whereas a pri- vate citizen would possibly solely arrest upon proof felony had been com- mitted. See Jerome Hall, “Licensed and Social Components of Arrest With out a W a r r a n t , ” Harvard Laws Overview, (Feb. 1936), 5 6 6 – 9 2 , for a clear discus- sion of this matter.

37 See Richardson, 1 zero 2 – eight , for a additional detailed account. 38 Rider, three 7 1 – eight eight . 39 Rider, 398. 40 For example, police in Denver, by means of telegraphic call-boxes, had a

communciations neighborhood by 1885 (Rider, 271, 276, 471): as soon as extra, completely different larger cities equipped the model. See Seymour M a n d e l b a u m , Boss Tweed’s New York (New York: Wiley, 1965), for an fascinating analysis of bosses and communication networks.

41 Richardson, 106, quoting George Templeton Strong, The Diary of George Templeton Strong, ed. Allan Nevins and Milton H. Thomas (New York: Macmillan, 1952).

42 Gerard, 17, 18. 43 Lane, Policing the Metropolis, 105; moreover, Lane, ” C o m m e n t s . ” 44 Alfers, 53. 45 Lane, Policing the Metropolis, 105. 46 Richardson, 65, citing the New York Events (June 30, 1854). 47 Johnson, 172, citing the Chicago Tribune (March 19, 1855). 48 Johnson, 1 7 three – 6 , citing the Philadelphia Public Ledger (Feb. 28 and

March 5, 1855). 49 Incident described in Howard O. Sprogle, The Philadelphia Police, Earlier

and Present (Philadelphia: n . p . , 1877), 1 zero three – 2 2 . The proposed uniforms for the San Francisco police in 1855 had been

mocked by an editorial inside the Weekly Journal (Sept. 29, 1855) that

Notes to pages 4 6 – 9 193

heaped abuse on the ” m o n okay e y s h o w ” after which went on to ask for full navy regalia and ” ‘ f u s s and feathers'”: “Then let no man be ap- pointed as a policeman who has not a countenance filled with w a r . ” As late as 1878, the issue of police uniforms in San Francisco was the butt of editorial jokes. A proposal to change the color of the uniforms from grey to blue and to repeat the style of the New York police was the subject of a cartoon inside the Wasp (Would possibly 25, 1878) and, later, an article describing h o w the model new coloration ran inside the first rainstorm (Oct. 26, 1878). Equally, the New Bedford, Massachusetts, police uniforms had been greeted with laughter, apparently on account of city had a follow of officers creating their very personal outfits (Sunday Customary, Feb. 5, 1911).

The aim, nonetheless, should be made clear that the visibility of uni- varieties and alter in uniforms, comparatively than their implicit which suggests, cre- ated controversy. And the model new uniforms weren’t always resisted by the regulation enforcement officers. For example, the officers of the Bridgeport, Con- necticut, police stress petitioned city to be uniformed on Nov. 4, 1861; n . a . , Historic previous of the Police Division, of Bridgeport, Conn. (Bridgeport: Help E-book Publishing, 1892), 35. For over a century, this facet of policing has attracted consideration; see, for instance, the story about Houston police resistance to altering cowboy boots with footwear; Nicholas C. Chriss, “Police Toe Line, Flip in Boots for W i n g – T i p s , ” Los Angeles Events (Jan. 27, 1975), 1.

50 Rider, 120, citing the Rocky Mountain Events; moreover 425. 51 For additional ingredient, see Lane, Policing the Metropolis, 9 – 1 zero 1 . 52 Lane, Policing the Metropolis, 17. 53 Alfers, 16. 54 See Jerome H. Skolnik, Justice With out Trial: Laws Enforcement in Demo-

cratic Society (New York: Wiley, 1966); Rider, three 4 6 – 7 ; Lane, 148; Rich- ardson, 282; Alfers, 192.

55 Lane, Policing the Metropolis, 34. 56 Lane, Policing the Metropolis, 6. See moreover Rider, 100, 213, 272; or Ketcham,

143, 1 5 2 – 7 , for associated intercity communications. 57 Ketcham, Walker, and Levett have the best nationwide surveys of police

modifications. 58 See G u d m u n d H e m e s , “Structural Change and Social P r o c e s s e s , ”

American journal of Sociology (Nov. 1976), 520, for an outstanding transient expres- sion of this notion.

59 Richard Wade, Slavery inside the Cities: The South, 1820-1860 (New York: Oxford Faculty Press, 1964).

60 See H e m e s , 520, and likewise 5 1 three – 4 7 , for an prolonged dialogue of these fashions and their relationship to social building.

61 There was a substantial amount of literature on the methodological implica- tions of the ecological fallacy as a result of the time interval was launched by W. S. Robinson in a well known article, “Ecological Correlations and the Behav- ior of Folks,” American Sociological Overview (June 1950), three 5 1 – 7 . Additional not too way back, a gaggle of things on the subject, Stein Rokkan and

192 Notes to pages 41 — 6

Mattei Dugan, eds., Quantitative Ecological Analysis inside the Social Sci- ences (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1969), has confirmed how evaluation primarily based totally on relating large objects is perhaps pursued with out being crippled by the logical problems with the ecological fallacy.

62 See Johnson, Policing the Metropolis Underworld, whose thesis is that the police had been modernized to battle rising crime.

63 Thorsten Sellin, Slavery and the Penal System (New York: Elsevier, 1976), reveals how the penal response to crime obtained right here from fashions of slavery. Police do not enter his fascinating and provocative dialogue.

64 For example, see Miller, Cops and Bobbies, 43, on the resistance to the Metropolitan Police in London.

65 Allan Silver, ” T h e Demand for Order in Civil Society: A Overview of Some Themes inside the Historic previous of Metropolis Crime, Police, and R i o t , ” in David J. Bordua, ed., The Police: Six Sociological Essays (New York: Wiley, 1967).

66 See Remember 1. 67 Levett, 25. 68 For the Marxist mannequin of Buffalo, see Sidney Harring and Lorrain

McMullin, ” T h e Buffalo Police, 1 eight 7 2 – 1 9 zero zero : Labor Unrest, Political Power and the Creation of the Police I n s t i t u t i o n , ” Crime and Social jus- tice (Fall-Winter 1975), 5 – 1 4 . For the Durkheimian methodology, see Elwin Powell, “Crime as a Carry out of A n o m i e , ” Journal of Felony Laws, Criminology and Police Science (June 1966), 1 6 1 – 7 1 .

69 See Everett M. Rogers, Diffusion of Enhancements (New York: Free Press, 1962), 2 1 – 5 6 , for a succinct dialogue of the foremost areas of diffusion evaluation. For a additional mathematical analysis, see James G. Coleman, Introduction to Mathematical Sociology (Glencoe, 111.: Free Press, 1964) 4 9 2 – 5 1 7 ; and with Elihu Katz and Herbert Menzel, Medical Innovation: A Diffusion Study (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1966), 103, n. 5 for an outstanding transient dialogue of the S curve. Chapter 11, “Spatial Diffusion: Meshing Home and T i m e , ” in Ronald Abler, John S. Adams, and Peter Gould, Spatial Group: The Geographer’s View of the World (Pren- tice-Hall: Englewood Cliffs, N . J . , 1971), three eight 9 – 4 5 1 , has a radical and well-written summary of the geographer’s mannequin of innovation diffu- sion. This includes a good half, 4 three 7 – 4 7 , on assorted geographical analysis of diffusion all through the nineteenth-century United States, which reveals a transition in the midst of the century from a diffusion pattern that adopted water transport routes to 1 flowing by means of town hierarchy. This chapter moreover makes clear h o w a diffusion course of would possibly usually comprise every hierarchical and contagious patterns. For a suggestive analysis of diffusion by means of an metropolis system in an under- developed nation, an needed attribute of which is the adapta- tion of enhancements from completely different nations (thus making this newest analysis similar to the adoption of the English policing model in america), see Poul O. Pederson, “Innovation Diffusion Inside and Be- tween Nationwide Metropolis S y s t e m s , ” Geographical Analysis (July 1970),

Notes to pages 46-9 193

2 zero three – 5 4 . For a comparatively disappointing remedy of nineteenth-century diffusion of enhancements adopted by state governments, see Jack L. Walker, ” T h e Diffusion of Enhancements Among the many many American S t a t e s , ” American Political Science Overview (Sept. 1969), eight eight zero – 9 9 . Walker tends to ignore time and space consideration for a multivariate analysis of pro- pensity to innovate; his footnotes are in depth. Just about your complete first problem of Geographical Analysis (Jan. 1969) was devoted to diffusion analysis – your complete articles are associated, nevertheless of specific curiosity is G. P. Pyle, ” T h e Diffusion of Cholera in america inside the Nineteenth C e n t u r y , ” 5 9 – 7 5 .

70 Rogers, 1 three – 1 9 . 71 St. Louis developed from a constable (metropolis marshal)-watch system, to a

separate day and night time time police (1846), to a unified police in 1861. Chi- cago, nevertheless, modified immediately from the c o n s t a b l e – w a t c h system to a unified police in 1853. (Ketcham, 1 2 zero – three three ) .

72 Silver, 1 2 – 1 three ; Miller, 1 1 three – 1 4 . 73 Jack J. Preiss and Howard J. Ehrlich, An Examination of Place Concept:

The Case of the State Police (Lincoln, Neb.: Faculty of Nebraska Press, 1966), 20. Thus, there have been usually definitely one among three causes given for the uniform: that of the trendy police officer cited proper right here, the hope of deterrence, or the need to administration the police themselves. The Norfolk (Va.) Journal (December 20, 1866) anticipated that the newly uni- formed police would make “life and property . . . safer hence- forth, than it has inside the p a s t . ” Together with deterrence and administration over officers, the Worcester, Massachusetts, marshal recognized that “strangers visiting our depots and completely different public areas, and needing the businesses of a Police officer” would acknowledge the visibility of a uniform. Report of the Metropolis Marshal (Worcester, Mass., 1864), 172.

Nursing outfits current one comparable occasion, although they obtained right here significantly later inside the nineteenth century than police uniforms. Caps had been the first formalized part of the nurse outfit, these in america apparently imitating European precedents from the early nineteenth century. The earliest caps appeared, with a uniform, in New York Metropolis (Bellevue) inside the early 1870s, and had been shortly adopted in Boston and Philadelphia in 1878. Later adopters immediately imitated these early innovators. The Good Samaritan hospital in Portland, Ore- gon, copied Bellevue; the Cincinnati Nursing Faculty copied Blockly Hospital in Philadelphia; and St. Luke’s in Denver copied St. Luke’s in Chicago. The associated stage proper right here is that, like police departments, nurs- ing organizations adopted the precedents set in larger metropolis areas. See n . a . , Why a Cap? A Temporary Historic previous of Nursing Caps from Some Schools Organized Earlier to 1891 (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1940).

74 H e m e s , 5 1 three – 4 7 , relates these two fashions to theories of social building and social change.

75 The type of the curve is for all wise capabilities an similar to that of the normal curve expressed additively, and has usually been interpreted

192 Notes to pages 41 — 6

as a result of the graph of diffusion in a system the place resistance to innovation is mostly and randomly distributed. See Earl H. P e m b e r t o n , ” T h e Curve of Cultural Diffusion R a t e , ” American Sociological Overview (Aug. 1936), 550, for a conventional assertion on this. The implication is that the rate of diffusion is simply determined by randomly distributed and unspecified traits amongst, on this case, a inhabitants of cities: This no- tion is neither theoretically nor substantively satisfying, and is perhaps readily rejected on this analysis by the analysis of the order by way of which cities uniformed their police, an order which clearly was nonrandom and hierarchical. For a proof of the model of précipitants and preconditions, see Harry Eckstein, ” O n the Etiology of Inside W a r s , ” Historic previous and The- ory, 4 (1965), 1 three three – 6 4 . The problem of explaining the creation of uni- formed police solely as a response to metropolis riots may be highlighted by the patterns of fundamental riots in New York Metropolis. The following itemizing of dates current these years that historians have acknowledged as occasions for fundamental riots from 1800 to 1900. Remember that the itemizing in itself provides no data as to a doable stage for altering the police system. For consolation I’ve stopped the itemizing at 1900, although it might very effectively be extended:

12 months Riot

1806 Irish Catholic 1826 New 12 months’s Eve 1834 Abolitionist, election 1837 Flour 1849 Astor Place 1855 Seventeenth Ward beer riots 1857 Police, ineffective rabbits, bread (all following the

creation of the police) 1863 Draft 1 eight 7 zero – 1 Orange 1874 Tompkins Sq. 1900 I r i s h – N e g r o

Provide: Richardson, 1 4 – 1 6 , 28, 68, 105, 1 zero 9 – 1 zero , 166, 195, 276, and Joel T. Headley, The Good Riots of New York: 1712-1873 (New York, 1873; Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1970), 97, 134, 289. To additional clearly examine the hypothesis that riots precipitated police change, one should mount a analysis similar to that of Charles Tilly documented by R. A. Schweitzer, ” A Study of Contentious Gatherings in Early Nineteenth- Century Good B r i t a i n , ” Historic Methods (Spring 1979), 1 2 three – 6 . Pyle, Figures l a , 2a, and 3a. As New York and Boston copied the police of London (a single stage), smaller cities copied New York and Boston. The police of Lowell, Massachusetts, copied their badges from these of Boston in 1887 (Metropolis Paperwork LLowell, Mass.: n . p . , 1888J, 19). The Windfall, Rhode Island, police modeled their full uniform on Bos-

Notes to pages 46-9 193

ton’s in 1865 (Henry Mann, ed., Our Police, [Providence, R.I., n . p . , 1889J). The buttons of the Utica, New York, uniform were copied from the New York City police in 1859 – and the uniforms were paid for by the proceeds from a ball! (Utica [N.Y.] Morning Herald LOct. 26, 1859]). The material of the uniform of the Paterson, New Jersey, police was the similar as that of the New York uniforms in 1871 (n.a., Historic previous of the Fire and Police Departments of Paterson, New Jersey, “Frequent R u l e s ” LPater- son, N.J.: n . p . , 1893J, 163). The Norfolk (Va.) Journal (Dec. 20, 1866) proudly launched the model new uniform might be made in Baltimore, nevertheless ” i s the similar as worn by the police of New York, Baltimore and Wash- ington. . . . “-
In 1865, Henry Mann wrote regarding the uniforms worn by the Utica, New York, police. That they had been copied from the New York State Police uniform in 1859. The material of the uniforms in New Jersey had been the similar as these worn in 1871.

78 Nelson W. Polsby, ” T h e Institutionalization of the U.S. Dwelling of Rep- resentatives,” American Political Science Overview (March 1968), 1 4 4 – 6 eight .

79 See Eugene Watts, ” ( O n e Dimension of the) Social Dynamics of ‘Cop’ Careers: The St. Louis Police, 1 eight 9 9 – 1 9 7 zero , ” paper launched on the Or- ganization of American Historians Annual Meeting, April eight, 1976.

80 See Bruce C. Johnson, “Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics,” Concept and Society (Spring 1976), eight 9 – 1 1 7 , for a dialogue of progressives and police reform.

81 Every Levine and David Johnson argue that conflicting requires positioned on the individual regulation enforcement officers by politicians, most of the people, and the police command building compelled police to professionalize and develop their very personal norms.

82 Alix J. Muller, Historic previous of the Police and Fire Departments of the Twin Cities (Minneapolis: Minneapolis, St. Paul, American Land and Title Registration Affiliation, 1899), incorrectly acknowledged that the Minneapolis police acquired their uniforms in 1874 (p. 41).

83 Minneapolis Tribune (Nov. 15, 1874). The Tribune of March 20, 1874, well-known that the Saint Paul police wore new uniforms, nevertheless these appar- ently weren’t their first, as a result of the council had paid for model new ” o u t f i t s ” on June 4, 1872. (Proceedings of the Widespread Council, 1872-1874 |Sf. Paul, 1874).

84 Proceedings of the Metropolis Council, 1876, June 21, 1876 (Minneapolis, 1876), 41.

85 Proceedings of the Widespread Council, 1872-1874, June 4, 1872 (St. Paul, 1874), 66.

86 Proceedings of the Metropolis Council, 1876, Oct. 20, 1875 (Minneapolis, 1876), 77.

87 Minneapolis Tribune, April 18, 1872. 88 Proceedings of the Metropolis Council, 1876, April 1 1 , 1 eight 7 6 (Minneapolis, 1876),

three. 89 Minneapolis Tribune, April 14, 1876. 90 Minneapolis Tribune, Would possibly 19, 1876. 91 Proceedings of the Metropolis Council, 1876, Oct. 20, 1875 (Minneapolis, 1876),

77. 92 Proceedings of the Metropolis Council, 1877, Dec. 20, 1876 (Minneapolis, 1877).

198 Notes to pages 6 1 – 6

93 Annual Report of the Chief of Police, 1879 (Minneapolis, 1879), 9 4 – 5 . 94 Proceedings of the Widespread Council, 1871-1872 (St. Paul, 1872), 2. 95 See Bruce Laurie’s article on fireside gangs in Allen F. Davis and Mark H.

Haller, eds., The Peoples of Philadelphia: A Historic previous of Ethnic Groups and Lower Class Life, 1790-1940 (Philadelphia: Temple Faculty Press, 1973). See moreover Richard B. Calhoun, ” N e w York Metropolis Fire Division Modernization, 1865-1870: A Civil Battle Legacy,” New-York Historic Society Quarterly (Jan./April 1976), 7 – three 4 , who argues that Civil Battle navy organizational experience equipped a model for reorganizing the New York Metropolis fireside division.

96 Wade, 98, citing Frederick L. Olmsted, A journey inside the Once more Nation (New York: Mason Brothers, 1860), 280; one suspects Olmsted may need been looking out for tyranny. Lane, Policing the Metropolis, 129, quotes a Bostonian who in distinction the Southern police to those of Cuba and Europe: The date, 1861, suggests such sentiment as soon as extra shows anti- Southern bias comparatively than right analysis.-Frederick Olmsted’s journey inside the Once more Nation was described in his e-book. He would possibly want been looking out for tyranny.

97 Alfers, 4 7 – 1 three zero . 98 Richard H. Haunton, ” L a w and Order in Savannah, 1 eight 5 zero – 1 eight 6 zero , ” Geor-

gia Historic Quarterly (Spring 1972), 14. Leonard P. Curry, “Urbaniza- tion and Urbanism inside the Outdated South: A Comparative V i e w , ” Journal of Southern Historic previous (Feb. 1974), 5 three – 4 , emphasizes the similarity of the Northern and Southern police.

99 Eugene J. Watts, ” T h e Police in Atlanta, 1 eight 9 zero – 1 9 zero 5 , ” journal of South- ern Historic previous (Would possibly 1973), 1 6 5 – eight 2 .

100 Ketcham, 213.

2. Arrest developments, 1 eight 6 zero – 1920

1 Roger Lane, ” C r i m e and Felony Statistics in Nineteenth-Century Massachusetts,” Journal of Social Historic previous (Winter 1968), 1 5 6 – 6 three .

2 Utilizing sentencing or convictions poses numerous measurement prob- lems, not the least of which is confirmed by Charles N. Burrows, Felony Statistics in Iowa, Faculty of Iowa Analysis inside the Social Sciences, 9 (1931) n. 2, p. 110, who found the next fluctuation in convictions.than in sentences over a seventy-five-year interval. Theodore N. Ferdinand, “Criminality, the Courts, and the Constabulary in Boston, 1 7 zero three – 1 9 6 7 , ” manuscript (De Kalb: Northern Illinois Faculty) n. 6, p. 23; ” T h e Felony Patterns of Boston Since 1 eight 4 9 , ” American Journal of Sociology (July 1967), eight 4 – 9 9 ; “Politics, the Police and Arresting Insurance coverage insurance policies in Salem, Massachusetts, as a result of the Civil W a r , ” Social Points (Spring 1972), 5 7 2 – eight eight ; “From a Service to a Legalistic Kind Police Division: A Case Study [of Rockford, Illinois],” manuscript (De Kalb: Northern Illi- nois Faculty). An earlier analysis, Leonard V. Harrison, Police Admin- istration in Boston (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Faculty Press, 1934), found patterns conflicting with these reported by Ferdinand. Theft

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